HOME | DD

Description

At the end of September 1923 between the leaders of the Communist party Stalin and Trotsky inflamed conflict: Stalin wanted to expand the revvoensoveta at the expense of his supporters, while Trotsky was categorically against, because it would undermine his position in the party.

Although Vladimir Lenin was still alive, it was clear to many in the party that his health remained extremely serious and continued to deteriorate. The situation was complicated by the lack of official successors to the post of head of the Soviet state, which predetermined the further struggle between the leaders of the Bolsheviks, whom Trotsky and Stalin were.German revolution

Meanwhile, in the world there were much more interesting events: The government of the Weimar Republic was not able to pay reparations to France, because the economic situation in the country has deteriorated many times. The rapid impoverishment of the population increased socialist and Communist sentiments in German society. As a General state of Affairs in Germany, many heralded a repetition of the revolution of 1918-1919.

In the conflict between Stalin and Trotsky, the latter even fervently put forward a proposal to send him a simple "soldier of the revolution", to his surprise, Stalin agreed.

No one knew exactly Stalin's real intentions, but many believed that in this way he wanted to get rid of Leon Trotsky, hoping for his imminent death in the fire of the nascent German revolution.

In October 1923, Trotsky, accompanied by several agents, went to Germany, and on arrival he took the role of "shadow leader", preferring not to provoke the government to respond, because no one had to know about his presence until the right moment. Before the appointed date of the revolution, November 9, Trotsky began to conduct organizational work.

On 10 October, the Communists managed to enter the government of Saxony and Thuringia and, most importantly, they had at their disposal the Ministry of the interior, which was so necessary for the implementation of the revolution. At this time Trotsky is working on exposing the activities against the Weimar Republic, accusing it of the government in the sale of the interests of the German proletariat in favor of the Western capitalist countries, but he does it not on his own behalf, on behalf of the local revolutionary leaders. October 21 in Chemnitz going to the General conference of workers, which heard fiery speeches calling for a General strike. From 21 to 30 October in various cities of Germany is a series of strikes. It is worth noting that the police of Saxony and Thuringia, completely passed under the control of the Communists, one of the first to join the workers, then on the side of the strikers stood Bremen police.

However, in some places Communist sentiments did not cause support among the population. In Munich, were organized by the NSDAP assault troops, led by Ernest REM, whose main task was to fight against the Communists.

Sensing the success of the revolution, Trotsky decides to appear in public. On the first of November in Dresden, he gives a speech in which he declares the unity of Communists all over the world and says that he came to help the German workers in their struggle against the enemies of the working class, and intends to lead the victorious March of communism in Germany, and later in the world.

On 10 November 1923, the Berlin workers ' Council took control of the city. Of Reich President Ebert catches the people's militia, while trying to escape from Berlin, while the Chancellor of Seidman still manages to escape.

After the victory of the revolution in Germany and the creation of the all-German labor Commune Trotsky still remains in the role of "shadow leader", later taking the post of first adviser to the head of the German state. The head of the newly formed state was elected without the filing of Trotsky August Thalheimer, one of the co-chairs of the Communist party of Germany. Initially, the post of head of the German state was read by Henry Brandler, but his views did not coincide with the views of Trotsky, when making a decision affected primarily the defeatist position of Brandler on the belief in the success of the German revolution.

A month later, the revolutionary events in December of 1923, Trotsky and Thalheimer in a hurry to tell the world about the victory of the socialist revolution in Germany. Most of Germany was in the hands of the Trotskyists at that time, with the exception of Bavaria, where the Communist movement was suppressed by right-wing forces under the leadership of Ernest REM and Adolf Hitler, as well as the Rhine region occupied by France.

Bavaria becomes the place where anti-Communist forces flocked throughout Germany. The NSDAP took advantage of the situation and, under the pretext of fighting a common enemy, was able to rally many political forces. The existence of an independent Bavaria becomes extremely unfavorable for the regime of Trotsky-Thalheimer. The situation around the German Commune proclaimed in mid-November was aggravated by provocations from Poland: the Polish parts occupied some part of Silesia and Pomerania. These events threatened the success of the revolution and the very existence of the German state. It is worth noting that with all this, Stalin has not yet taken any action.

At the end of December 1923 Talheimer with the filing of Trotsky issued a special decree on the establishment of the Labour of the worker-Peasant Army. When you create a TRKA August Thalheimer relied on the experience of the civil war in Russia and personally the experience of Trotsky, who was the Creator of the red army.

In the territories controlled by The labor Army, General mobilization and strict punitive measures against deserters are introduced. From the first days of creation in the Labor Workers 'and Peasants' Army the most severe discipline is entered, retreat from which was punished by repressions not only against violators, but also their close relatives. The appeal was carried out on a compulsory basis. Also, to strengthen the combat capability of the army, serious measures were taken to attract German officers to the side of the Communists. Helped here and the disarmament of the German army on Versailles in 1918, because of which many soldiers were left behind. Now the Communists proposed to show themselves in his place. However, until the middle of 1924, things were not going too well on the fronts.

In September 1923, The labor Worker-peasant Army managed to break through the Bavarian front and crush the "black shirts", the so-called units of the national militia, who fought on the side of the Bavarian state. But until the end of the war was far: in the North-West of the Commune dug Polish army units, preparing a further attack on Berlin; in the South, along the Czech-German border, subversive groups by decree of the government of Czechoslovakia staged constant provocations against Germany. At the same time, the leadership of Soviet Russia remained completely indifferent to the current events, taking the role of a passive observer of what is happening.

However, long led by the nose Communist publics leadership was not possible, especially in the context of the unfolding inner-party struggle in connection with the death of Lenin in January 1924. Although Stalin and held a dominant position in the party, and therefore - in the country, the current inaction could result in his removal from the post of Secretary-General, in addition, the country was gaining strength opposition group led by Bukharin, who became the second person in the state after the departure of Trotsky in Germany.

At the beginning of September in Germany were massively sent volunteers and weapons to fight and imperialism. Among other things, the Soviet Union began to move troops to its Western border, which was obviously a preparation for an attack on Poland. To repeat the success of 1921, the Polish army was not possible: first, most army units were in the West and waged war with the German Communists; secondly, the Soviet army over the last few years rapidly rearmed and represented a completely different army, it is very different from the army of the sample in 1921. That is why the Polish leadership proposed to make peace in early 1925.

Under the terms of the Poznan peace Treaty, the Polish borders moved westward through the Polish-German front, in addition to this Prussia became a Polish territory with a special status of management for a period of 20 years.

The success of the German revolution inspired workers from neighbouring countries to fight politically and underground against the domination of the imperialist bourgeoisie. Throughout 1926 workers of France, Austria, Italy, Poland, Belgium and other developed countries were on strike.

In 1930, the all-German Commune was able to squeeze out the French occupiers of the Rhine region, through underground terrorist and subversive activities, during which from 1925 to 1930, the French occupation forces lost over 100,000 people killed and wounded, which caused the public demand to leave the Rhine region, under the pressure of which the French government did so. However, the Saarland still remained in the hands of France, which predetermined the further increase in tension between the two countries.

By 1939, the issue of the Saarland became the most private on the agenda of the world powers. Even during The German revolution, the people's militia tried to return this strategically important region, but the French units showed the strongest resistance, forcing The German commune to temporarily retreat.

For some time, Trotsky did not dare to speak out against the capitalist countries, fearing a cohesive resistance from all sides. Germany was literally surrounded by a chain of enemies – from Holland and Belgium with France in the West, to Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia in the East. Also in the southern direction was a threat to Italy, in 1926 rigidly suppressed The Tyrolean uprising and hindered the labor movement in Austria.

The greatest threat was Poland, besides it was the second country after France, to which The German Commune had the most serious claims: during the revolution, the Polish brigade occupied part of Silesia and Eastern Pomerania, also in the 30s was occupied by Poland Prussian directory. Among other things, the solution of the Saarland issue directly depended on the state of Affairs in the East, namely the ability of Poland to provide timely support to France.

In 1934, Trotsky had a reliable ally in the West-Spain, which formed the Iberian SSR together with Portugal.

Until the end of the 30s, the government of Jose Diaz tried to maneuver between the USSR and Germany, trying to benefit from cooperation with both countries, but with the advent in 1940 to the power of the Trotskyist Francisco Largo Iberia is becoming more focused on Germany than the USSR.

The Polish question was also important for the USSR. Since 1921, the territories of Western Belarus and Ukraine, once part of the Russian Empire, were under Polish occupation.

Also Stalin was eager to take revenge from the poles for the unsuccessful Soviet-Polish war of 1919-1921. Therefore, despite the contradictions between the German commune and the Soviet Union, the agreement between Stalin and Thalheimer was still achieved. It concerned the delimitation of spheres of influence in Europe between the two countries, neutrality towards each other and the joint struggle against the Communist opposition, a number of articles were devoted to cooperation within the framework of the Comintern.

In addition to diplomatic activities, the Commune was active in intelligence activities. Particularly close attention was paid to the UK and France, and the most experienced agents were sent there.

The government of Thalheimer-Trotsky was important to know about possible retaliation in the event of the Polish campaign. The most distinguished in this area scouts Erich Kostring and Walter Shellenberg, managed to establish in the UK an extensive network of moles and residents working in favor of German intelligence.

There were cases when German intelligence resorted to stealing data from their Soviet colleagues, which was obtained valuable information that London is not ready for a new war, in the case of aggravation of Franco-German relations.

In July 1940, the red army crossed the Soviet-Polish border, during clashes near Kletsk and Baranovichi breaks the Polish army. At the end of July, The labor Worker-peasant Army comes to Poznan and in the area of the village Kutno breaks the remains of the Polish army, simultaneously developing an offensive on Warsaw.

In September 1940, the Polish people's Republic was proclaimed, with a German-controlled government. To constrain the actions of the French, the Iberian Federation begins exercises in the North of the country, pulling significant forces to the French border.

The Rhine military district is put on military alert, but no further action is taken by Germany. Military exercises in Iberia are also held in the normal mode, during which no provocations were observed on the French border.

These actions Western countries assessed as "saber rattling" and "attempt to intimidate", after which the tension somewhat subsided. Such provocations were repeatedly arranged by the German government, and each time they did not lead to anything, finally persuading the British and the French in the correctness of their judgments.

By the end of 1940, French patrols were more likely to catch unknown individuals trying to sneak into the country on their border. During the interrogations, however, they could not clearly say for what purpose they needed to cross the border. The French military leadership knew that German intelligence was behind these actions.

However, the government of albert Lebrun claimed the military, worried about the activity of the Germans on the border, that there is no reason for even greater aggravation of the situation on its part, giving the Germans sabotage for provocation and an attempt to force France first to start military operations, after which the war will become defensive for Germany, while France in the eyes of the world community will be exposed as an aggressor country.

Nevertheless, the military action launched itself Germany. They began to advance in the North-Western direction, where the Netherlands and Belgium fell under attack, whose armies were quickly swept away by rapidly advancing German tank units.

For the French military staff, waiting for an attack directly from the German side, such a maneuver was a complete surprise, paralyzing its activities for some time.

An urgent decree of the head of the French General staff Maurice Gamelan was instructed to transfer part of the troops to the Franco-Belgian border in order to stop the German offensive. However, the onset of the Labor Army was so rapid that approached the French part was for several days put to flight. In April 1941, German troops were several dozen kilometers from Paris, preparing to take it under siege. The offensive of the German army was commanded by General von Bock, who previously participated in The Polish campaign of the Labor army. However, to start a full-fledged siege, von Bock was waiting for the entry into war of the Iberian Federation.

The leader of the enterprise, fearing the failure of this enterprise, hesitated a little with the beginning of hostilities. But his doubts quickly dissipated after the Germans began to win the first victory over the French army. In June 1941, Iberian troops crossed the Pyrenees, but their advance sank under Perpignan, which became an impregnable fortress.

The situation with Italy was also unknown. The Italians declared their neutrality. However, Mussolini rapidly increased the number of his troops in the North of the country, obviously fearing a possible invasion. He really had something to fear, because the German policy of recent years was far from peaceful, throughout the European continent there is no country with which Germany would not conflict in recent years. In addition, the events that occurred in France, clearly hinted what fate awaits Italy.

The siege of Paris lasted nearly 90 days, the persistent resistance of the French was broken, after which they ceased to exert any resistance. The British in this situation were forced in a hurry to evacuate their troops to the island, and prepare for the defense of Britain itself.

In December 1941, between the two allied armies was the famous meeting on the Loire. From the Labor of the German red army was the army commander Fedor von Bock, and the Iberian people's army was the former commander of a brigade, and now the commander of the Spanish army of Mate Zalka.

Immediately Talheimer set conditions in Italy on the withdrawal of its zone of influence of Austria and the accession of the latter to the Municipality. Having lost all possible allies, Mussolini saw no other choice but to make a deal with the Communists. It would be a mistake to think that Mussolini did not know about his fate, but he tried to buy time for Italy, preparing it for the upcoming war.

Description

At the end of September 1923 between the leaders of the Communist party Stalin and Trotsky inflamed conflict: Stalin wanted to expand the revvoensoveta at the expense of his supporters, while Trotsky was categorically against, because it would undermine his position in the party.

Although Vladimir Lenin was still alive, it was clear to many in the party that his health remained extremely serious and continued to deteriorate. The situation was complicated by the lack of official successors to the post of head of the Soviet state, which predetermined the further struggle between the leaders of the Bolsheviks, whom Trotsky and Stalin were.German revolution

Meanwhile, in the world there were much more interesting events: The government of the Weimar Republic was not able to pay reparations to France, because the economic situation in the country has deteriorated many times. The rapid impoverishment of the population increased socialist and Communist sentiments in German society. As a General state of Affairs in Germany, many heralded a repetition of the revolution of 1918-1919.

In the conflict between Stalin and Trotsky, the latter even fervently put forward a proposal to send him a simple "soldier of the revolution", to his surprise, Stalin agreed.

No one knew exactly Stalin's real intentions, but many believed that in this way he wanted to get rid of Leon Trotsky, hoping for his imminent death in the fire of the nascent German revolution.

In October 1923, Trotsky, accompanied by several agents, went to Germany, and on arrival he took the role of "shadow leader", preferring not to provoke the government to respond, because no one had to know about his presence until the right moment. Before the appointed date of the revolution, November 9, Trotsky began to conduct organizational work.

On 10 October, the Communists managed to enter the government of Saxony and Thuringia and, most importantly, they had at their disposal the Ministry of the interior, which was so necessary for the implementation of the revolution. At this time Trotsky is working on exposing the activities against the Weimar Republic, accusing it of the government in the sale of the interests of the German proletariat in favor of the Western capitalist countries, but he does it not on his own behalf, on behalf of the local revolutionary leaders. October 21 in Chemnitz going to the General conference of workers, which heard fiery speeches calling for a General strike. From 21 to 30 October in various cities of Germany is a series of strikes. It is worth noting that the police of Saxony and Thuringia, completely passed under the control of the Communists, one of the first to join the workers, then on the side of the strikers stood Bremen police.

However, in some places Communist sentiments did not cause support among the population. In Munich, were organized by the NSDAP assault troops, led by Ernest REM, whose main task was to fight against the Communists.

Sensing the success of the revolution, Trotsky decides to appear in public. On the first of November in Dresden, he gives a speech in which he declares the unity of Communists all over the world and says that he came to help the German workers in their struggle against the enemies of the working class, and intends to lead the victorious March of communism in Germany, and later in the world.

On 10 November 1923, the Berlin workers ' Council took control of the city. Of Reich President Ebert catches the people's militia, while trying to escape from Berlin, while the Chancellor of Seidman still manages to escape.

After the victory of the revolution in Germany and the creation of the all-German labor Commune Trotsky still remains in the role of "shadow leader", later taking the post of first adviser to the head of the German state. The head of the newly formed state was elected without the filing of Trotsky August Thalheimer, one of the co-chairs of the Communist party of Germany. Initially, the post of head of the German state was read by Henry Brandler, but his views did not coincide with the views of Trotsky, when making a decision affected primarily the defeatist position of Brandler on the belief in the success of the German revolution.

A month later, the revolutionary events in December of 1923, Trotsky and Thalheimer in a hurry to tell the world about the victory of the socialist revolution in Germany. Most of Germany was in the hands of the Trotskyists at that time, with the exception of Bavaria, where the Communist movement was suppressed by right-wing forces under the leadership of Ernest REM and Adolf Hitler, as well as the Rhine region occupied by France.

Bavaria becomes the place where anti-Communist forces flocked throughout Germany. The NSDAP took advantage of the situation and, under the pretext of fighting a common enemy, was able to rally many political forces. The existence of an independent Bavaria becomes extremely unfavorable for the regime of Trotsky-Thalheimer. The situation around the German Commune proclaimed in mid-November was aggravated by provocations from Poland: the Polish parts occupied some part of Silesia and Pomerania. These events threatened the success of the revolution and the very existence of the German state. It is worth noting that with all this, Stalin has not yet taken any action.

At the end of December 1923 Talheimer with the filing of Trotsky issued a special decree on the establishment of the Labour of the worker-Peasant Army. When you create a TRKA August Thalheimer relied on the experience of the civil war in Russia and personally the experience of Trotsky, who was the Creator of the red army.

In the territories controlled by The labor Army, General mobilization and strict punitive measures against deserters are introduced. From the first days of creation in the Labor Workers 'and Peasants' Army the most severe discipline is entered, retreat from which was punished by repressions not only against violators, but also their close relatives. The appeal was carried out on a compulsory basis. Also, to strengthen the combat capability of the army, serious measures were taken to attract German officers to the side of the Communists. Helped here and the disarmament of the German army on Versailles in 1918, because of which many soldiers were left behind. Now the Communists proposed to show themselves in his place. However, until the middle of 1924, things were not going too well on the fronts.

In September 1923, The labor Worker-peasant Army managed to break through the Bavarian front and crush the "black shirts", the so-called units of the national militia, who fought on the side of the Bavarian state. But until the end of the war was far: in the North-West of the Commune dug Polish army units, preparing a further attack on Berlin; in the South, along the Czech-German border, subversive groups by decree of the government of Czechoslovakia staged constant provocations against Germany. At the same time, the leadership of Soviet Russia remained completely indifferent to the current events, taking the role of a passive observer of what is happening.

However, long led by the nose Communist publics leadership was not possible, especially in the context of the unfolding inner-party struggle in connection with the death of Lenin in January 1924. Although Stalin and held a dominant position in the party, and therefore - in the country, the current inaction could result in his removal from the post of Secretary-General, in addition, the country was gaining strength opposition group led by Bukharin, who became the second person in the state after the departure of Trotsky in Germany.

At the beginning of September in Germany were massively sent volunteers and weapons to fight and imperialism. Among other things, the Soviet Union began to move troops to its Western border, which was obviously a preparation for an attack on Poland. To repeat the success of 1921, the Polish army was not possible: first, most army units were in the West and waged war with the German Communists; secondly, the Soviet army over the last few years rapidly rearmed and represented a completely different army, it is very different from the army of the sample in 1921. That is why the Polish leadership proposed to make peace in early 1925.

Under the terms of the Poznan peace Treaty, the Polish borders moved westward through the Polish-German front, in addition to this Prussia became a Polish territory with a special status of management for a period of 20 years.

The success of the German revolution inspired workers from neighbouring countries to fight politically and underground against the domination of the imperialist bourgeoisie. Throughout 1926 workers of France, Austria, Italy, Poland, Belgium and other developed countries were on strike.

In 1930, the all-German Commune was able to squeeze out the French occupiers of the Rhine region, through underground terrorist and subversive activities, during which from 1925 to 1930, the French occupation forces lost over 100,000 people killed and wounded, which caused the public demand to leave the Rhine region, under the pressure of which the French government did so. However, the Saarland still remained in the hands of France, which predetermined the further increase in tension between the two countries.

By 1939, the issue of the Saarland became the most private on the agenda of the world powers. Even during The German revolution, the people's militia tried to return this strategically important region, but the French units showed the strongest resistance, forcing The German commune to temporarily retreat.

For some time, Trotsky did not dare to speak out against the capitalist countries, fearing a cohesive resistance from all sides. Germany was literally surrounded by a chain of enemies – from Holland and Belgium with France in the West, to Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia in the East. Also in the southern direction was a threat to Italy, in 1926 rigidly suppressed The Tyrolean uprising and hindered the labor movement in Austria.

The greatest threat was Poland, besides it was the second country after France, to which The German Commune had the most serious claims: during the revolution, the Polish brigade occupied part of Silesia and Eastern Pomerania, also in the 30s was occupied by Poland Prussian directory. Among other things, the solution of the Saarland issue directly depended on the state of Affairs in the East, namely the ability of Poland to provide timely support to France.

In 1934, Trotsky had a reliable ally in the West-Spain, which formed the Iberian SSR together with Portugal.

Until the end of the 30s, the government of Jose Diaz tried to maneuver between the USSR and Germany, trying to benefit from cooperation with both countries, but with the advent in 1940 to the power of the Trotskyist Francisco Largo Iberia is becoming more focused on Germany than the USSR.

The Polish question was also important for the USSR. Since 1921, the territories of Western Belarus and Ukraine, once part of the Russian Empire, were under Polish occupation.

Also Stalin was eager to take revenge from the poles for the unsuccessful Soviet-Polish war of 1919-1921. Therefore, despite the contradictions between the German commune and the Soviet Union, the agreement between Stalin and Thalheimer was still achieved. It concerned the delimitation of spheres of influence in Europe between the two countries, neutrality towards each other and the joint struggle against the Communist opposition, a number of articles were devoted to cooperation within the framework of the Comintern.

In addition to diplomatic activities, the Commune was active in intelligence activities. Particularly close attention was paid to the UK and France, and the most experienced agents were sent there.

The government of Thalheimer-Trotsky was important to know about possible retaliation in the event of the Polish campaign. The most distinguished in this area scouts Erich Kostring and Walter Shellenberg, managed to establish in the UK an extensive network of moles and residents working in favor of German intelligence.

There were cases when German intelligence resorted to stealing data from their Soviet colleagues, which was obtained valuable information that London is not ready for a new war, in the case of aggravation of Franco-German relations.

In July 1940, the red army crossed the Soviet-Polish border, during clashes near Kletsk and Baranovichi breaks the Polish army. At the end of July, The labor Worker-peasant Army comes to Poznan and in the area of the village Kutno breaks the remains of the Polish army, simultaneously developing an offensive on Warsaw.

In September 1940, the Polish people's Republic was proclaimed, with a German-controlled government. To constrain the actions of the French, the Iberian Federation begins exercises in the North of the country, pulling significant forces to the French border.

The Rhine military district is put on military alert, but no further action is taken by Germany. Military exercises in Iberia are also held in the normal mode, during which no provocations were observed on the French border.

These actions Western countries assessed as "saber rattling" and "attempt to intimidate", after which the tension somewhat subsided. Such provocations were repeatedly arranged by the German government, and each time they did not lead to anything, finally persuading the British and the French in the correctness of their judgments.

By the end of 1940, French patrols were more likely to catch unknown individuals trying to sneak into the country on their border. During the interrogations, however, they could not clearly say for what purpose they needed to cross the border. The French military leadership knew that German intelligence was behind these actions.

However, the government of albert Lebrun claimed the military, worried about the activity of the Germans on the border, that there is no reason for even greater aggravation of the situation on its part, giving the Germans sabotage for provocation and an attempt to force France first to start military operations, after which the war will become defensive for Germany, while France in the eyes of the world community will be exposed as an aggressor country.

Nevertheless, the military action launched itself Germany. They began to advance in the North-Western direction, where the Netherlands and Belgium fell under attack, whose armies were quickly swept away by rapidly advancing German tank units.

For the French military staff, waiting for an attack directly from the German side, such a maneuver was a complete surprise, paralyzing its activities for some time.

An urgent decree of the head of the French General staff Maurice Gamelan was instructed to transfer part of the troops to the Franco-Belgian border in order to stop the German offensive. However, the onset of the Labor Army was so rapid that approached the French part was for several days put to flight. In April 1941, German troops were several dozen kilometers from Paris, preparing to take it under siege. The offensive of the German army was commanded by General von Bock, who previously participated in The Polish campaign of the Labor army. However, to start a full-fledged siege, von Bock was waiting for the entry into war of the Iberian Federation.

The leader of the enterprise, fearing the failure of this enterprise, hesitated a little with the beginning of hostilities. But his doubts quickly dissipated after the Germans began to win the first victory over the French army. In June 1941, Iberian troops crossed the Pyrenees, but their advance sank under Perpignan, which became an impregnable fortress.

The situation with Italy was also unknown. The Italians declared their neutrality. However, Mussolini rapidly increased the number of his troops in the North of the country, obviously fearing a possible invasion. He really had something to fear, because the German policy of recent years was far from peaceful, throughout the European continent there is no country with which Germany would not conflict in recent years. In addition, the events that occurred in France, clearly hinted what fate awaits Italy.

The siege of Paris lasted nearly 90 days, the persistent resistance of the French was broken, after which they ceased to exert any resistance. The British in this situation were forced in a hurry to evacuate their troops to the island, and prepare for the defense of Britain itself.

In December 1941, between the two allied armies was the famous meeting on the Loire. From the Labor of the German red army was the army commander Fedor von Bock, and the Iberian people's army was the former commander of a brigade, and now the commander of the Spanish army of Mate Zalka.

Immediately Talheimer set conditions in Italy on the withdrawal of its zone of influence of Austria and the accession of the latter to the Municipality. Having lost all possible allies, Mussolini saw no other choice but to make a deal with the Communists. It would be a mistake to think that Mussolini did not know about his fate, but he tried to buy time for Italy, preparing it for the upcoming war.