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Political and administrative map of the Danubian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic for 1960 from the alternative historical world "Roter Morgen", on which I started working in the summer of 2020.

This is a continuation of the history of the universe, where the Hungarian Soviet Republic nevertheless managed to survive in 1919 and radically change the course of events of that time, which in turn resulted in the victory of the Soviets in the Polish-Soviet war of 1919 and in the victory of the communist revolution in Germany etc.

Before reading this, I advise you to view this work: www.deviantart.com/falcohumani…

The second part will tell about the further history of the HSFSR, about the intervention of its troops in Yugoslavia in 1941, which resulted in an increase in new territories. Also in this part, it will be described in detail about the internal political struggle in the 1950s, during which Joseph Broz Tito became the head of this Danubian socialist state in 1956. The coming to power of the HSFSR of a strong and charismatic personality with his ambitions will create a new kind of socialism in the center of Europe - "Titoism". The country will be reformed into the Danubian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic. The Titoist regime of the Danubian Federation will try to create its own sphere of influence in Central Europe. The successful attempt by DSFSR to implement its own nuclear program will also be described in detail.

It is now the second half of the 20th century. There is a Cold War going on in the world between two blocs - the Comintern and the Pacific Alliance.

Happy reading to all.

Actually the plot

Background
Several decades have already passed since the communist revolutionaries under the leadership of Béla Kun, who at one time was ideologically inspired by the October Revolution in Russia in 1918, took power on the lands of the former Transleithania in the stormy spring of 1919. Having created on the ruins of Austro-Hungarian Empire the new Soviet Hungary, its communist leadership, pursuing a more prudent policy than in reality, "liberated" the country from foreign interventionists and "proclaimed a worker-peasant federation of free and equal peoples of Hungary" or, more precisely, the Hungarian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, which includes three completely different people, the eldest of which began to be considered Hungarian as a state-forming one.

Interwar position of the HSFSR. Economy, state of the troops
As of 1940, the Hungarian SFSR is a totalitarian communist state, which, along with Soviet Germany and the USSR, is an integral part of the Comintern military-political bloc and has its own rather aggressive ambitions regarding its southern borders.

The economy of the Hungarian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic was of a planned, directive nature. Its development can be described in stages.

At first, at the beginning of the existence of the Soviet regime (from the beginning of the 20s to the middle of the 20s), the economy of Soviet Hungary found itself in a rather miserable state, destroyed by the war, and only the implementation of the NEP (New Economic Policy) at first saved the existence of the communist economy and the power of the Reds as a whole.
In 1926, thanks to the forced measures of the Bela Kun government and economic assistance from Soviet Russia, the country's economy returned to the pre-war level of 1914, but, unfortunately, it was of an agrarian nature with a poorly developed industry, which did not meet the requirements of the Bela Kun government, who wants to quickly create a more or less powerful industrial potential, which will become a key tool for "advancing the world socialist revolution."

By the early 1930s, this situation began to gradually improve. Active actions were taken from 1929, after the VII Federal Congress of Soviets of the Republics, after which the NEP was curtailed, everything was nationalized, and the village began to actively collectivize. The situation was finally screwed into the right direction by the mid-1930s. after the implementation of two five-year plans, when the industrial sector began to occupy a leading position. The main emphasis was placed on heavy industry, which was created with the possibility of rapid conversion to the production of weapons.

However, in spite of all of the above, in all economic aspects, the HSFSR grazed the rear, yielding to Germany and the Soviet Union. This also applied to the national military-industrial complex, which could not fully staff the Red Army of the HSFSR. Constant purchases were made from the accomplice states of the Comintern, this applied mainly to tanks and aircraft.

Over all these years, the People's Commissariat of Defense of the HSFSR very often took into account the modernization of the armed forces, trying to make them on the model of the Soviet Red Army. At the end of the 1930s the army of Soviet Hungary was no longer, roughly speaking, a collection of almost demoralized imperial soldiers and officers and corrals of poorly trained workers to use weapons. In 1938, it was a well-organized, trained and ideologically savvy offensive army.

The introduction of a number of military reforms in 1925-1928 had a positive and significant impact on all this. under the leadership of the famous General Aurél Stromfeld, as well as the participation of the Hungarian international brigades in the Spanish Civil War in 1936-1937, among which many hungarian volunteers participated, thousands of whom received the rank of officer in the Red Army of the HSFSR. The most famous people from the HSFSR who fought in Spain were, for example, such persons as Máté Zalka, Ákos Hevesi, Mihai Salvai, Ferenc Münnich, László Rajk, Valter Roman, who were quite valuable personnel commanders. Some of them will eventually represent the backbone of the generals of the army or will occupy important government posts in the country.

Background of the military intervention in Yugoslavia in 1941
As mentioned earlier, the political circles of the HSFSR had rather aggressive military-political goals regarding the southern borders, namely regarding the kingdom of Yugoslavia. These goals were most likely of a national irredentist color, which was based on the return of all the lands that belonged to the Kingdom of Hungary by 1918, rather than just socialist, which then means "protection of the rights of the worker-peasant masses."

Trotsky had other thoughts about the territory of the Balkan Peninsula. There was an idea to create some kind of Balkan Federation, but the politicians of the HSFSR and Bulgaria did not support such a prospect, which ran counter to their plans and forced them to make some concessions that would limit their power in some places. The idea of creating "Great Hungary" or "Great Bulgaria" with the ideas of socialism seemed much more profitable for the leaders of these countries, to which Trotsky could silently give the go-ahead.

As mentioned earlier, for a long time Budapest had been hatching a plan to annex all the lands that were once part of the Kingdom of Hungary, namely the annexation of the Western Banat, which, under a peace treaty in August 1919, went to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, in order to move the border away from Belgrade, as well as the annexation of Croatia, which in 1918 spontaneously and allegedly erroneously separated from "bourgeois Transleithania " and joined "bourgeois Serbia".
Separately, the future prospect of joining Slovenia together with Istria was observed, which, although they had never been part of Hungary, "needed the fraternal help of the hungarian proletarian."

The plans of the party leadership of the Hungarian Federation were to form new Soviet republics in place of Croatia and Slovenia with their further incorporation into the HSFSR. The execution of this geopolitical undertaking was conditioned by adherence to the idea of the "Danubian hegemon", which once belonged to the leader of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848-1849. Lajos Kossuth, thereby allegedly claiming the ideological succession of this historical figure and allegedly trying to finally fulfill the work of the Spring of Nations in the middle of the 19th century. All this was also conditioned by economic and geographical goals - the HSFSR wanted to have access to the sea and own such ports as Split, Zadar, Fiume (Rijeka) and Trieste.

But for this it was necessary to come up with a casus belli, and they did compose it.

Back in early 1938, in the capital of Yugoslavia - in Belgrade, a violent coup was carried out by the pan-Serbian fascist movement "Zbor", headed by Dimitrije Ljotić. In reality, this organization did not have enough support, but in this alternative history, against the backdrop of anti-communist hysteria in Yugoslavia, it gained support among many citizens and military circles of Yugoslavia. "Zbor" was also actively supported by the authoritative General Milan Nedić. Subsequent confrontations between government troops and rebel military units with far-right activists, who were secretly supported by Mussolini's fascist government, favored the rebels, which led to the resignation of the then Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović and the coming to power of the far-right junta.
The policy pursued by Zbor turned out to be in practice unpopular in society and disastrous for the country. This was manifested by the ethnic persecution of non-Serbs, namely Croats, Slovenes, Jews, Gypsies and other representatives of other nationalities. Ideological opponents represented by communists and social democrats were persecuted. Trade unions were closed.

In general, for all elements objectionable to the regime, the Jasenovac and Belica concentration camps, located somewhere in the mountains of Slavonia, were organized.

A significant role in this was played by the policy of the Italian Duce Mussolini, who relied on greater serbian chauvinism instead of the croatian ustashe Ante Pavelić and concluded a military pact of mutual assistance with the new pro-fascist Yugoslavia, as well as with Greece in the event of an attack, which would later play a cruel joke with Italy.

Since the autumn of 1940, popular unrest began in Yugoslavia - strikes at enterprises, national uprisings in the periphery, which was strongly expressed in Slovenia, Croatia and in some parts of Bosnia. On March 16, 1941, the diplomatic mission of the HSFSR in Belgrade issued an ultimatum to the Yugoslav government with a statement: "stop oppressing the Yugoslav proletariat, allow the activities of trade unions, legalize the Communist Party and the right to a multi-party system in the country as a whole. Federalize the country into separate national territorial units, providing other peoples with significant autonomy". Of course, the government of Ljotić did not agree to all this. Similar statements came from the diplomatic missions of Soviet Germany, USSR, Romania and Bulgaria.

The invasion of the forces of the Comintern into the Balkans in 1941 could no longer bear any serious consequences, since the "military guarantors of order and stability in Europe" France and Britain no longer posed a threat to the Comintern. The french army in June 1940 was completely defeated by the joint efforts of Soviet Germany and Anarcho-Communist Iberia, and the British Empire, with the loss of Gibraltar, lost its dominance in the Mediterranean. The only threat was Italy, which was quite often already surrounded by leftist political regimes and was one of the last anti-communist enclaves in Europe.

April War. The course of hostilities. Results
Back in the winter of 1941, the Red Army of the HSFSR began to carry out active mobilization, calling into its ranks 1 million combat-ready male population.

On March 30, 1941, a directive was issued calling for the start of hostilities against Yugoslavia on April 6, 1941. Propaganda broadcasting began from the territory of the HSFSR.

The command of the army of the People's Republic of Bulgaria also planned to take part in the attack on Yugoslavia.

The German Soviet Republic was also ready to invade, which, in parallel with this, together with the French Commune and the FPC Iberia, was planning a preventive attack on fascist Italy.

The undeclared war against Yugoslavia began on the night of April 5-6, 1941, when the first hungarian reconnaissance and sabotage groups secretly crossed the border of Yugoslavia and began the destruction of Yugoslav border guards. After dawn, in the early morning of April 6, 1941, air raids began. 150 bombers under cover of fighters attacked Belgrade, the main target was the city center, where the most important state institutions were located. Also, hungarian and bulgarian aircraft bombed yugoslav airfields in the regions of Skopje, Kumanovo, Nis, Zagreb and Ljubljana.

Only the next day, April 7, Yugoslavia began mobilization. On the same day, Italy declared war on the HSFSR and the entire Comintern and sent an expeditionary force of 40,000 people to Yugoslavia.

In the meantime, by April 10, the HSFSR had captured the territory of the Western Banat and, at the same time, was besieging Zagreb and Belgrade, and the bulgarian army on the same day began crossing the border, advancing to the cities of Skopje and Nis, still trying to rely on the defense of the border with Greece, which immediately declared war.

On April 12, the hungarian troops occupied the capital, Belgrade, due to low resistance. The yugoslav government, together with the king, evacuated to Ragusa, and later they left the country altogether, emigrating to Italy, and from there to Egypt, and from it straight to Australia.

Since April 9, ustashe armed pens were formed in central Croatia, on which Mussolini began to rely and entrusted them to defend Zagreb, but this did not help, and soon on April 14, Zagreb, defended by italo-croatian forces, fell under the cannonade of Soviet artillery.

The presence of Italy in the Balkans was greatly shaken due to the activities of the terrorist pens of the National Liberation Army, a partisan formation of communists in Albania under the leadership of Enver Hoxha, who carried out a series of sabotage on important objects of the Italian army, and then raised a nationwide Albanian uprising. For Italy and its bloc, the situation was further aggravated with the landing of the Ibero-German troops in Sicily and the breakthrough of German troops through the Alps towards Bolzano. The Italian command had no choice but to leave the Balkans to be eaten up and try to defend themselves in the Apennines.

However, the resistance in Yugoslavia ended on April 22, 1941 with the signing of the surrender. At the beginning of the summer, Italy itself had already fallen.

The result of this confrontation was the establishment of a socialist ideology on the territory of Yugoslavia and the exclusion of a number of significant lands from it in favor of its neighbors.

The land of Yugoslavia was divided and reduced. The Croatian Socialist Soviet Republic was proclaimed on the territory of Croatia, and the Slovenian Socialist Soviet Republic was also proclaimed on the territory of Slovenia. As a result, the "two liberated peoples" later became part of the HSFSR as union republics. The Hungarian SSR itself included the Western Banat and the region of Srem, on the territories of which the Autonomous Region of Vojvodina was formed with the center in Novi Sad.

Bulgaria was given the territory of Macedonia. Some areas were also returned, which had been taken away as a result of the Treaty of Neuilly in 1919.
The self-proclaimed People's Socialist Republic of Albania (PSRA), under the leadership of Enver Hoxha, acquired the part of Kosovo inhabited by Albanians, along with the cities of Pristina, Pec, Mitrovica.

As a result, only Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia remained in Yugoslavia, which became separate entities that formed the new Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRU), which fell under the common sphere of influence of the HSFSR and Bulgaria.

Later, some Italian territories were annexed to the Hungarian SFSR by a separate agreement, namely:
- the Istrian peninsula together with the port of Trieste, which became part of the Slovenian SSR;
- the port of Zadar, the islands of Cres, Lastovo, the Palagruz archipelago, which became part of the Croatian SSR.

Incidentally, the government of Soviet Germany tried to challenge the decision on the Slovenian question. The desire of the German comrades was to annex the port of Trieste and the entire main territory of Slovenia, so that there would be a territorial connection with the Adriatic Sea. But Trotsky was afraid of German dominance in Europe, because, owning the coasts of the Baltic and Adriatic seas, Germany would become such a middle link, completely controlling the east and west of Europe economically and politically, and anything could happen - some misunderstandings between German politicians and the rest could would lead to blackmail by Soviet Germany and it was necessary to avoid these possible undertakings, which was facilitated by the opinion of the Slovenian communists, who unanimously supported the option of Slovenia joining a federal and multinational Hungary, contrary to joining a unitary and mono-ethnic Germany (on the rights of autonomy, of course). The option of an independent Slovenia was also considered, but it's better to be someone's freeloader.

With the acquisition of the Dalmatian coast, the HSFSR now had access to the sea and was already able to conduct maritime trade. A plan was considered to develop their own naval forces.

Having gained a foothold in Yugoslavia, the Comintern opened its way to Greece, where in the near future, another socialist regime was also established by military means.

New period of the HSFSR. The end of the reign of Bela Kun and the subsequent perpetual change of power in the HSFSR in the 1950s. The arrival of Josip Broz Tito as the leader of the federation in 1956 as the reason for the subsequent reformation of the state. DSFSR against the backdrop of the world situation in the 1960s. Nuclear project "Svetoslav"

United states of Europe
After a series of separate local wars from the 1940s to the 1950s. the map of Europe is completely "repainted in the red color of the revolution."

"At the end of the war, I see Europe recreated not by diplomats, but by the proletariat - the Federal Republic of Europe - the United States of Europe - this is what must be created. Economic evolution requires the abolition of national borders. If Europe remains divided into national groups, then imperialism will again begin its work. Only the Federal Republic of Europe can give the world peace "- it was in these words that L. Trotsky's plan was laid down to reorganize the European continent into a confederation of European countries under the idea of socialism, and all this should be under the leadership of the Soviet Union, which was already considered a superpower and master of the greater parts of the Eurasian continent, along with the militaristic Japanese Empire, which, thanks to the weakening of Britain and other Western colonial powers, expanded its influence in Southeast Asia, forming its own political and economic bloc - the Great Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere.

In practice, the United States of Europe turned out to be an analogue of the same real Warsaw Pact.

The whole of Europe plunged into a "leftist jug", but the regimes that arose in its different parts were so diverse, and in order to fully agree and unite into some kind of unitary whole, it seemed like complete utopianism. For example, the same anarchist Iberia and the same bolshevik Soviet Union were quite ideologically contradictory and were not ready to adapt much to each other, and therefore they had to decide on some kind of compromise.

On May 14, 1949, in Geneva, at the conference initiated by L. Trotsky, representatives of most European states were invited, including the diplomatic representative of the HSFSR, Vilmos Böhm. The purpose of this meeting was to sign a collective agreement with the following goals:

- "Improvement" of the economies of Europe and the creation of a "single economic space";

- Erasure of international borders. Unhindered movement between member countries of the union;

- "Protection of the assets of the proletarian revolution."

The agreement provided for the creation of a political and economic union of European countries, which in fact would stretch from Lisbon to Vladivostok.
On June 5, 1949, the treaty entered into force and the new continental union - the United States of Europe included most of the countries of Europe, including the Soviet Union, Germany, France, Czech, Scandinavia, Iberia, Hungary, Benelux and a number of others.

Death of Béla Kun in 1950. Short-term reign of Imre Nagy (1950-1952)
From the very existence of the soviet regime in Hungary, the permanent leader of the country was directly Béla Kun, and suddenly, on the morning of August 29, 1950, he was found dead in his own estate near Budapest. He died at the age of 65 due to a cerebral hemorrhage. This was a shock to many and caused nationwide confusion in the country, because a rather strong "cult of personality" was formed around Bela Kun. In honor of him, many monuments were erected in many cities and villages of the country, as if like Lenin in the USSR.
On this occasion, a meeting of the bureau of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Hungarian SFSR was held, at which it was decided to make Imre Nagy, Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Bela Kun's closest associate, the new head of government.

There is a version that the death of B. Kuhn was intentional and was planned by his inner circle. This was all due to the great internal political struggle that began to arise as early as the mid-1940s. and its meaning lay in the defeat of Kun's personal secretariat personally by Nagy himself, who actively contacted the then Minister of the Interior of the HSFSR, Ferenc Erdei.

Personally, Nagy himself, most likely, was tired of totalitarianism and stagnation in all spheres of society, and thus he wanted to change the situation in the state.

Having become at the helm of power, Imre Nagy introduces market elements into the state economy, creates financial independence for state enterprises, focuses on light industry, reduces collectivization processes in the countryside and liberalizes spiritual life. In general, Nagy tried to take care of the well-being of the country's population.

The era of Mátyás Rákosi (1952-1956)
The stumbling block of the further reign of Imre Nagy was the party bureaucracy, which disagreed with his reforms. A faction of "conservatives" was formed in the ranks of the party, headed by Mátyás Rákosi, the then Head of the Budapest city committee. Nagy began to cut salaries for deputies and the rest of the state officials, which caused dissatisfaction with Nagy's reformist course, and Rakosi personally took advantage of this. Using political intrigues and attracting heavy industrialists with their antipathy to the economic course of Nagy, Mátyás Rákosi forced Imre Nagy in January 1953 to leave the post of Head of the Presidium, respectively taking it himself. In addition, everything was significantly influenced by Trotsky's loyalty to Rákosi and contempt for Nagy, considering the second to be an upstart and a right-wing deviationist. Imre Nagy himself was removed from politics and sent into retirement, into exile abroad in distant spanish Murcia, so that he would not annoy anyone.

And so ended 3 years of a conditional sip of freedom.

With the occupation of the government chair, Rákosi curtailed all the reforms of his predecessor and returned everything to its previous course. To gain a foothold in power, Rákosi began to resort to repressive policies. First of all, he reduced the role of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and increased the importance of AVH - the state secret service, appointing Gábor Péter as its director and expanding its staff. An active persecution of dissidents began, which accordingly went to the Carpathian mines.

Rákosi also took up the national-cultural issue. Being himself a Jew by nationality, Rákosi surprisingly showed quite pronounced magyarophile attitudes. In terms of education, he legally made the Hungarian language compulsory in all spheres of the country. Obscure, for example, for a Slovak or a Serb, the Hungarian language has become compulsory for studying at school. Hungarian became mandatory for joining the party, became mandatory in the army and in office work. All this was supposed to work under the idea of a single Soviet people and cosmopolitanism. This practice had long been manifest in Trotsky's Soviet Union, where Russian had become ubiquitous. Rákosi tried to actively imitate the actions of his russian protege, but to no avail, because the Hungarian language was quite difficult for the common masses to learn in the same Slovenia or Transcarpathia.

"Dark horse" named Josip Broz
" What a wonderful Croat," Béla Kun remarked and stepped aside. That was the first impression that the leader of the HSFSR expressed about the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Croatian SSR, Josip Broz.

Josip Broz, being a representative of the communist movement in Yugoslavia, began his activity as early as 1920 as a "professional revolutionary", engaged in agitation, organizing strikes and arrests, which ended with his first arrest and detention in 1924. After 3 years in prison he went into hiding. With the intensification of anti-communist hysteria in Yugoslavia, in 1929 he moved to the HSFSR.

In 1934, Broz was appointed head of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia, although Trotsky wanted him to be the leader of the entire communist movement in the Balkans, but Béla Kun decided to use Broz for completely different political purposes after the successful invasion of Yugoslavia. After Croatia joined the HSFSR, Josip Broz in 1941 was appointed head of the Croatian SSR, which he was until 1949. Later, Broz, by his own will, was transferred to the party organization of the Slovenian SSR, where he led until 1954. In the summer of 1954, he was appointed a member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the HSFSR, relatively speaking, he became a minor person in the government. Against the backdrop of a dramatic change in the leaders of the country, Tito had a fairly good reputation and he is one of the few who were lucky. He was not removed from his posts and at the same time he rose in his career position.

"Slavic" conspiracy of Broz. New socialism
In 1955, following Béla Kun at the age of 76, the then leader of the USSR and, in general, the leader of the entire "world proletariat" Lev Davidovich Trotsky went into oblivion.

Since 1956, the favorite of the people, the conditional liberal Malenkov, came to power in the Soviet Union. He was not as fanatical as his predecessor and did not take into account to continue the cause of the idea of a world revolution, turning all his efforts to improving the well-being of the citizens of the Soviet Union.

The reign of Rákosi was not approved in the USSR, from the moment when Georgy Maximilianovich sat down at the table of the "leader of the revolution" in the Kremlin, because this Rákosi, "Trotsky's best student", seemed rather fanatical to him.

Among other things, a conspiracy began against Rakosi in the form of the "Slavic" faction of the Communist Party of the HSFSR, in which the then member of the Presidium Josip Broz, the head of the Slovak SSR Gustáv Husák, the head of the Transcarpathian ASSR Ivan Turyanitsa, the Minister of Education György Lukács and another list of those who disagree with the policy of Rákosi were present. Also, the Minister of the Interior of the HSFSR, László Rajk, was ready to speak against Rákosi. Broz was the central figure in the conspiracy against Rákosi.

The moment of truth came when, on October 23, 1956, during the next plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the All-Union Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, Rákosi fell under a barrage of criticism and resigned in disgrace. Josip Broz was proclaimed the next head of state.

Mátyás Rákosi and his supporters were removed from their posts, stripped of all ranks, arrested, declared "traitors to the motherland" and ultimately sentenced to death by firing squad. Rakosi himself fled to the Soviet Union, to his homeland to his russian wife from Yakutia, to Fenia Kornilova.

A new person has risen to the political Olympus of the country, nicknamed "Tito" - this is how the people began to call Joseph Broz for his tendency to give orders in his native Croatian: "You do this, and you do that" (ti - to, a ti - to).

Having taken the post of the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the HSFSR and the Head of the Presidium, Tito demanded a radical transformation of the country in all spheres: economic, social and political. First of all, he wanted to abandon the Trotskyist course of building socialism, which, in his opinion, should be built from the will of a separate country, without orders from Moscow.

But first it was necessary to strengthen their power. First of all, the AVH was disbanded - the state security service, which, according to Tito, was completely stuffed with trotskyist agents that threatened to physically destroy him. The receiver of the liquidated service was the II Department of the Ministry of the Interior, led by László Rajk, who had previously been colluding with Tito against Rákosi.

Then personnel purges began in the government of the country. In 1957, the old cadres that ruled back in the time of Béla Kun were removed to a greater extent. In the same year, a new government was formed, loyal to Tito, half of which were from the slavic republics.

The new composition of the government of the DSFSR for 1957. The main positions of the country are indicated:

    ·         Josip Broz Tito, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the DSFSR, Chairman of the Presidium (Croat-Slovene);

    ·         Viliam Široký, Chairman of the Council of Ministers (Slovak);

    ·         Ferenc Nagy, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers (Hungarian);

    ·         László Rajk, Minister of the Interior of the DSFSR, Head of the Intelligence Service of the II Department of the Ministry of the Interior (German-Hungarian);

    ·         Edvard Kardelj, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the DSFSR (Slovene);

    ·         Ján Tabaček, Minister of Trade of the DSFSR (Slovak);

    ·         Rezső Nyers, Minister of Economy DSFSR (Hungarian);

    ·         Ivan Gošnjak, Defense Minister of the DSFSR (Croat);

    ·         Erik Molnár, Minister of Justice of the DSFSR (Hungarian);

    ·         György Lukács, Minister of Culture (Jew-Hungarian);

    ·         János Kádár, Head of the Hungarian SSR (Hungarian);

    ·         Josip Vidmar, Head of the Slovenian SSR (Slovene);

    ·         Karlo Mrazović, Head of the Croatian SSR (Croat);

    ·         Gustáv Husák, Head of the Slovak SSR (Slovak);

    ·         Valter Roman, Head of the Transylvanian SSR (German);

    ·         Petro Sova, Head of the Transcarpathian ASSR (Rusyn-Ukrainian).

There was a change in the national question, for Tito directed his efforts to downplay the dominance of the Hungarian element and build the country on a new principle. In Tito's plans as a total non-Hungarian and a canonical Slav, the task arose to transform the state into a federation of equal peoples.

At one point, he made a symbolic decision and there was a big reason for that. Since, with the accession in 1941, the share of Hungarians in the federation became significantly lower compared to other nations, having the prefix "Hungarian" in the official name of the country for Tito and his associates seemed a little delusional and chauvinistic. At the next federal congress of the union republics in April 1958, it was decided to rename the country into the Danubian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic in honor of the largest Danube river that flows through the whole country.

An administrative reform was carried out - the megye were abolished and regions were formed in their place.

With the coming to power of Tito, the second "thaw" began. In terms of the social and public sphere, freedom of speech, the rehabilitation of political prisoners, and the liquidation of labor camps began to develop. However, having eliminated some places of detention, Tito created the only concentration camp on the croatian island of Goli Otok, where he drove all his opponents in the form of pro-German and pro-Russian communists and other lovers of the old order. Such a croatian "Gulag archipelago" for the "re-education" of opponents of Titoism.

In economic terms, reforms began in the DSFSR under the leadership of Rezső Nyers. Directive planning was discontinued, the independence of enterprises was expanded, which now had significant funds at their disposal, and their competition in the market was encouraged. The price system was reformed.

A new communist ideology of a special type was born - "Titoism", which was based on market socialism. This socialism differed significantly from the same russian bolshevism or spanish anarchism in the sense that it was rather right-wing deviationist

In July 1960, a new Constitution of the Danubian SFSR was adopted, the main author of which was Edward Kardel, who was a consistent Titoist.
The constitution legally fixed Titoism as the state ideology of the country as an alternative way to build socialism.

The language issue was finally settled. In a country like the DSFSR, linguistic differences have always been strongly pronounced, while Hungarian was rightfully considered the main language. With the adoption of the new constitution, the language institute was changed. If initially the state language was always only Hungarian, then with the adoption of the new Constitution, all the languages of the DSFSR republics were recognized as equal along with Hungarian. The linguistic achievements of Rákosi's previous government were completely annulled. After the adoption of the constitution, the languages of all peoples and nationalities were to be equally used in the armed forces, while in the process of command and training any language of the peoples of the DSFSR could be used, and the languages of the peoples (national minorities) could only be used in military units. At the same time, several languages were used in the publication of legislative acts and in the process of legal proceedings. During the meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the DSFSR, where representatives of all the union republics gathered, simultaneous translation was used with the installed equipment.

Thanks to the new constitution, the rights of individual republics and autonomies were to some extent increased, which launched the processes of decentralization of the country.

A new era has begun in the existence of this vast state, stretching from the fields of Pannonia to the passes of Transcarpathia, from the peaks of the Tatra to the coast of Dalmatia.

DSFSR in foreign policy. Soviet-Danubian split
Tito all the time to play a special and significant role in Central Europe and the Balkans.

This first manifested itself in 1959, when the DSFSR became a diplomatic mediator in resolving the Teszyn issue. This issue appeared on the agenda only 29 years later, when Bolesław Bierut came to power in the neighboring Polish SSR, who promoted national communist slogans in order to unite the ancestral territories of Poland. As a result, the Czech Socialist Republic gave up part of its territories in favor of the Polish SSR, but in return received a significant share of monetary compensation.

Also back in 1958, the DSFSR took the initiative in building the "Friendship of Peoples" highway, which should be laid along the path Prague-Bratislava-Budapest-Zagreb-Sarajevo-Belgrade-Sofia.

In April 1960, an agreement was signed in Visegrad on the formation of the Visegrad Four bloc, which included the Danubian SFSR, Czech, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, which is due to the lobbying of mutual economic interests and the national-historical connection of these four countries.

Soon, in 1960, in the Soviet Union, instead of the weak-willed Malenkov, Tukhachevsky, irreconcilable with the prevailing alignment of events, came to power, who at one time was Trotsky's closest ally and faithful successor to his cause.

Contrary to Tukhachevsky's plans to unite the socialist bloc, Tito did completely opposite actions (building an independent market socialism, liquidating the pro-Moscow opposition), which, from the beginning of the 1960s, forced Tito to be perceived as a geopolitical adversary rather than as a true ally.

The big changes that began in the DSFSR in 1956 began to gradually strain the political bosses of the Soviet Union. The demonization of Tito and his policies began, which was manifested, for example, in the depiction of cartoons in the Soviet magazine "Krokodil", where Tito was compared to the then Minister of Defense of Argentina and the nazi Hermann Göring, who was quite similar to Josip Broz Tito in appearance.

There were attempts to assassinate Tito and intentions to sow social instability in the DSFSR, but they ended fatally. They say that when Tukhachevsky sent killers to Tito for the tenth time to eliminate him, he once again returned to the USSR not only their corpses, but also a message: "If you send me again, I will send you one of my own, and the second will not would need".

A plan was hatched to carry out the military operation "Danube", which provided for the invasion of troops into the Danubian SFSR in order to overthrow the political leadership of Tito and establish a regime loyal to Tukhachevsky, but this idea was too expensive. In addition to the rebel Tito, the Soviet Union began to have other problems - the suppression of uprisings in Britain, Scandinavia, the participation of the Soviet contingent in wars in Africa, the military-ideological confrontation with the Japanese Empire in the Middle East.

World nuclear race. Cold War
It is worth moving away from the main topic and describing a little world situation.

In short, since 1946 there has been a bipolarity in the world. There are two blocs, the center of one of which is the Soviet Union - this is the Comintern. In opposition to the Comintern, there is a second bloc and this is the Pacific Alliance, the centers of which are the United States and the Empire of Japan, respectively.

There is a military, ideological and economic balance in the world, which is maintained to this day. Both the Comintern and the Pacific Alliance are afraid of direct confrontation, having directed against each other one very destructive weapon for humanity.

The second half of the 20th century is the era of the Cold War, as one famous Anglo-American writer George Orwell, who wrote the book "1984", defined it.

By the way, the second half of the 20th century is also the era of nuclear energy. First of all, it began to develop in the United States, where in the 1940s. The first nuclear reactor to generate electricity for domestic use was built in Idaho. This was due to the fact that in the United States there was a huge potential of nuclear scientists, many of whom fled to the United States in order to continue their activities there freely, making the atom "an instrument in the service of mankind." It was first of all Albert Einstein, it was Niels Bohr, Georgy Kistyakovsky, Otto Frisch and many others.

But atomic science began to develop not only in a peaceful direction. Thanks to the extracted materials during the 1940s. agents of the KGB and the Stasi obtained information about a certain "Manhattan Project", which meant the creation of the previously mentioned weapon, which was a terribly powerful tool in the hands of one country or another.

The Country of the Soviets also did not lag behind in this regard and tried to speed up the implementation of super-powerful weapons. Back in October 1942, the Soviet Union decided to launch work on the creation of this weapon, which is a bomb filled with nuclear energy. Then Trotsky convened a narrow meeting, which was attended by the leading scientists of the Union. It was during these October days that the GKO resolution No. 2352 “On the organization of work on uranium”, signed by Trotsky, was adopted. It obliged the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, represented by the scientist Abram Ioffe, to resume work on the study of atomic energy and submit to the GKO before April 1, 1943 a report on the possibility of creating atomic weapons or uranium fuel. Igor Kurchatov was appointed head of the nuclear project.

Similar events were held in Soviet Germany under the supervision of Gustav Hertz, where the scientific and technological level was an order of magnitude higher than the USSR in the development of nuclear physics.

With the conquest of Britain in 1943, many useful things for the development of the uranium project fell into the hands of the Soviets, which of course accelerated the process of implementing the Enormoz project.

In parallel with this, the United States was very afraid of the further strengthening of the Comintern. The Japanese Empire could become a situational ally in such a situation, since it was at that time a big obstacle to communist expansion in Eurasia. At the same time, Japan was backward in military-technological terms and therefore there was a threat of the total defeat of Japan by the communists with the help of the same nuclear weapons.
Japanese-American cooperation began to develop in a good direction since the early 1940s, when it became finally clear that Europe had completely fallen under the onslaught of the "red plague". When the USSR began to turn its eyes to Asia, this cooperation intensified more. The United States turned a blind eye to the actions of Japan in China, to the occupation of the colonies of France, Britain and Holland, seeing in Japan a lesser evil than the Comintern. Also, Japan did not dare to make an enemy out of the United States, concentrating its forces on the defense of the northern borders.
On April 4, 1946, the Manila Pact was concluded between the United States and the Japanese Empire in Manila, Philippines. It is considered to be the beginning of the formation of the Pacific Alliance. The treaty created a system of collective security in the territories of Southeast Asia and America. This treaty was focused on repelling the threat from the USSR and the entire Comintern. This pact also includes Canada and a number of Latin American states (Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, Chile and others). Having begun to actively invest efforts in nuclear rocket science, the United States at the same time began to deploy nuclear warheads in the territories of Japan, Canada, India, and Iceland near the borders of the Comintern's sphere of influence.

Nuclear program DSFSR. "Svetoslav"
What about DSFSR? And should it also have this destructive element of the atom? In view of the ingenuity of Tito, it is quite possible, despite the fact that the monopoly on nuclear weapons could belong exclusively to the USSR and Soviet Germany, and buying these weapons from them for their own needs, as if like some kind of lawn mower for their garden, was an unflappable decision for them . Moscow and Berlin were not interested in the DSFSR independently owning nuclear weapons. There was only one option - to allow the USSR or Germany to deploy their own missile divisions on the territory of the DSFSR, but still this idea had no weighty grounds. Before Tito came to power in the HSFSR, few people were interested in the prospect of creating and owning nuclear weapons. Tito, on the other hand, began to become seriously interested in this, starting to develop a concept for creating his own nuclear forces, in view of his pronounced independence against the backdrop of the Comintern and with all his desire to make the DSFSR a parity side with respect to the USSR, Germany, Japan and the USA.

The Tito leadership was convinced that they had a trump card in the development of nuclear weapons - a Yugoslav scientist named Pavle Savic, who was an honorary foreign member of the Academy of Sciences of the DSFSR and was personally invited by Tito himself to live and work in the Danubian SFSR.

Back in 1951, by decision of the Presidium of the HSFSR, the construction of the Physics Institute began in Debrecen, which was built already under Tito in 1960.

Meanwhile, in Titograd (Ljubljana) in 1957, the first nuclear reactor in the country was already launched, which began processing uranium.

In 1961, a uranium mine was opened in the Carpathian Mountains in the Bihor region. There was enough raw material and the mine began its vigorous activity. In parallel with this, nuclear fuel and heavy water were purchased in the USSR for supposedly peaceful purposes.

On the evening of April 13, 1963, a report on the completion of work on the "Svetoslav Project" lay on Tito's desk.

On July 7, 1963, at exactly 10:00 a.m., the first successful test of a nuclear device was carried out on the remote Palagruza archipelago. The blast wave was tangible even in Italy, in the city of Peschici, where most of the houses had broken windows. Within a radius of almost a hundred kilometers, electronic devices temporarily failed.

Without delay, Tito declared to the whole world that the Danubian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic also had the right to possess a nuclear bomb. During the next parade on March 21, 1964, on the day of the 45th anniversary of the Danubian Socialist Revolution, models of nuclear missiles mounted on cargo tractors were demonstrated for the first time on the main street of Budapest, which made the people believe in the power of Tito's new weapons.
No one knows what further events will lead to.

Description

Political and administrative map of the Danubian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic for 1960 from the alternative historical world "Roter Morgen", on which I started working in the summer of 2020.

This is a continuation of the history of the universe, where the Hungarian Soviet Republic nevertheless managed to survive in 1919 and radically change the course of events of that time, which in turn resulted in the victory of the Soviets in the Polish-Soviet war of 1919 and in the victory of the communist revolution in Germany etc.

Before reading this, I advise you to view this work: www.deviantart.com/falcohumani…

The second part will tell about the further history of the HSFSR, about the intervention of its troops in Yugoslavia in 1941, which resulted in an increase in new territories. Also in this part, it will be described in detail about the internal political struggle in the 1950s, during which Joseph Broz Tito became the head of this Danubian socialist state in 1956. The coming to power of the HSFSR of a strong and charismatic personality with his ambitions will create a new kind of socialism in the center of Europe - "Titoism". The country will be reformed into the Danubian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic. The Titoist regime of the Danubian Federation will try to create its own sphere of influence in Central Europe. The successful attempt by DSFSR to implement its own nuclear program will also be described in detail.

It is now the second half of the 20th century. There is a Cold War going on in the world between two blocs - the Comintern and the Pacific Alliance.

Happy reading to all.

Actually the plot

Background
Several decades have already passed since the communist revolutionaries under the leadership of Béla Kun, who at one time was ideologically inspired by the October Revolution in Russia in 1918, took power on the lands of the former Transleithania in the stormy spring of 1919. Having created on the ruins of Austro-Hungarian Empire the new Soviet Hungary, its communist leadership, pursuing a more prudent policy than in reality, "liberated" the country from foreign interventionists and "proclaimed a worker-peasant federation of free and equal peoples of Hungary" or, more precisely, the Hungarian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, which includes three completely different people, the eldest of which began to be considered Hungarian as a state-forming one.

Interwar position of the HSFSR. Economy, state of the troops
As of 1940, the Hungarian SFSR is a totalitarian communist state, which, along with Soviet Germany and the USSR, is an integral part of the Comintern military-political bloc and has its own rather aggressive ambitions regarding its southern borders.

The economy of the Hungarian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic was of a planned, directive nature. Its development can be described in stages.

At first, at the beginning of the existence of the Soviet regime (from the beginning of the 20s to the middle of the 20s), the economy of Soviet Hungary found itself in a rather miserable state, destroyed by the war, and only the implementation of the NEP (New Economic Policy) at first saved the existence of the communist economy and the power of the Reds as a whole.
In 1926, thanks to the forced measures of the Bela Kun government and economic assistance from Soviet Russia, the country's economy returned to the pre-war level of 1914, but, unfortunately, it was of an agrarian nature with a poorly developed industry, which did not meet the requirements of the Bela Kun government, who wants to quickly create a more or less powerful industrial potential, which will become a key tool for "advancing the world socialist revolution."

By the early 1930s, this situation began to gradually improve. Active actions were taken from 1929, after the VII Federal Congress of Soviets of the Republics, after which the NEP was curtailed, everything was nationalized, and the village began to actively collectivize. The situation was finally screwed into the right direction by the mid-1930s. after the implementation of two five-year plans, when the industrial sector began to occupy a leading position. The main emphasis was placed on heavy industry, which was created with the possibility of rapid conversion to the production of weapons.

However, in spite of all of the above, in all economic aspects, the HSFSR grazed the rear, yielding to Germany and the Soviet Union. This also applied to the national military-industrial complex, which could not fully staff the Red Army of the HSFSR. Constant purchases were made from the accomplice states of the Comintern, this applied mainly to tanks and aircraft.

Over all these years, the People's Commissariat of Defense of the HSFSR very often took into account the modernization of the armed forces, trying to make them on the model of the Soviet Red Army. At the end of the 1930s the army of Soviet Hungary was no longer, roughly speaking, a collection of almost demoralized imperial soldiers and officers and corrals of poorly trained workers to use weapons. In 1938, it was a well-organized, trained and ideologically savvy offensive army.

The introduction of a number of military reforms in 1925-1928 had a positive and significant impact on all this. under the leadership of the famous General Aurél Stromfeld, as well as the participation of the Hungarian international brigades in the Spanish Civil War in 1936-1937, among which many hungarian volunteers participated, thousands of whom received the rank of officer in the Red Army of the HSFSR. The most famous people from the HSFSR who fought in Spain were, for example, such persons as Máté Zalka, Ákos Hevesi, Mihai Salvai, Ferenc Münnich, László Rajk, Valter Roman, who were quite valuable personnel commanders. Some of them will eventually represent the backbone of the generals of the army or will occupy important government posts in the country.

Background of the military intervention in Yugoslavia in 1941
As mentioned earlier, the political circles of the HSFSR had rather aggressive military-political goals regarding the southern borders, namely regarding the kingdom of Yugoslavia. These goals were most likely of a national irredentist color, which was based on the return of all the lands that belonged to the Kingdom of Hungary by 1918, rather than just socialist, which then means "protection of the rights of the worker-peasant masses."

Trotsky had other thoughts about the territory of the Balkan Peninsula. There was an idea to create some kind of Balkan Federation, but the politicians of the HSFSR and Bulgaria did not support such a prospect, which ran counter to their plans and forced them to make some concessions that would limit their power in some places. The idea of creating "Great Hungary" or "Great Bulgaria" with the ideas of socialism seemed much more profitable for the leaders of these countries, to which Trotsky could silently give the go-ahead.

As mentioned earlier, for a long time Budapest had been hatching a plan to annex all the lands that were once part of the Kingdom of Hungary, namely the annexation of the Western Banat, which, under a peace treaty in August 1919, went to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, in order to move the border away from Belgrade, as well as the annexation of Croatia, which in 1918 spontaneously and allegedly erroneously separated from "bourgeois Transleithania " and joined "bourgeois Serbia".
Separately, the future prospect of joining Slovenia together with Istria was observed, which, although they had never been part of Hungary, "needed the fraternal help of the hungarian proletarian."

The plans of the party leadership of the Hungarian Federation were to form new Soviet republics in place of Croatia and Slovenia with their further incorporation into the HSFSR. The execution of this geopolitical undertaking was conditioned by adherence to the idea of the "Danubian hegemon", which once belonged to the leader of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848-1849. Lajos Kossuth, thereby allegedly claiming the ideological succession of this historical figure and allegedly trying to finally fulfill the work of the Spring of Nations in the middle of the 19th century. All this was also conditioned by economic and geographical goals - the HSFSR wanted to have access to the sea and own such ports as Split, Zadar, Fiume (Rijeka) and Trieste.

But for this it was necessary to come up with a casus belli, and they did compose it.

Back in early 1938, in the capital of Yugoslavia - in Belgrade, a violent coup was carried out by the pan-Serbian fascist movement "Zbor", headed by Dimitrije Ljotić. In reality, this organization did not have enough support, but in this alternative history, against the backdrop of anti-communist hysteria in Yugoslavia, it gained support among many citizens and military circles of Yugoslavia. "Zbor" was also actively supported by the authoritative General Milan Nedić. Subsequent confrontations between government troops and rebel military units with far-right activists, who were secretly supported by Mussolini's fascist government, favored the rebels, which led to the resignation of the then Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović and the coming to power of the far-right junta.
The policy pursued by Zbor turned out to be in practice unpopular in society and disastrous for the country. This was manifested by the ethnic persecution of non-Serbs, namely Croats, Slovenes, Jews, Gypsies and other representatives of other nationalities. Ideological opponents represented by communists and social democrats were persecuted. Trade unions were closed.

In general, for all elements objectionable to the regime, the Jasenovac and Belica concentration camps, located somewhere in the mountains of Slavonia, were organized.

A significant role in this was played by the policy of the Italian Duce Mussolini, who relied on greater serbian chauvinism instead of the croatian ustashe Ante Pavelić and concluded a military pact of mutual assistance with the new pro-fascist Yugoslavia, as well as with Greece in the event of an attack, which would later play a cruel joke with Italy.

Since the autumn of 1940, popular unrest began in Yugoslavia - strikes at enterprises, national uprisings in the periphery, which was strongly expressed in Slovenia, Croatia and in some parts of Bosnia. On March 16, 1941, the diplomatic mission of the HSFSR in Belgrade issued an ultimatum to the Yugoslav government with a statement: "stop oppressing the Yugoslav proletariat, allow the activities of trade unions, legalize the Communist Party and the right to a multi-party system in the country as a whole. Federalize the country into separate national territorial units, providing other peoples with significant autonomy". Of course, the government of Ljotić did not agree to all this. Similar statements came from the diplomatic missions of Soviet Germany, USSR, Romania and Bulgaria.

The invasion of the forces of the Comintern into the Balkans in 1941 could no longer bear any serious consequences, since the "military guarantors of order and stability in Europe" France and Britain no longer posed a threat to the Comintern. The french army in June 1940 was completely defeated by the joint efforts of Soviet Germany and Anarcho-Communist Iberia, and the British Empire, with the loss of Gibraltar, lost its dominance in the Mediterranean. The only threat was Italy, which was quite often already surrounded by leftist political regimes and was one of the last anti-communist enclaves in Europe.

April War. The course of hostilities. Results
Back in the winter of 1941, the Red Army of the HSFSR began to carry out active mobilization, calling into its ranks 1 million combat-ready male population.

On March 30, 1941, a directive was issued calling for the start of hostilities against Yugoslavia on April 6, 1941. Propaganda broadcasting began from the territory of the HSFSR.

The command of the army of the People's Republic of Bulgaria also planned to take part in the attack on Yugoslavia.

The German Soviet Republic was also ready to invade, which, in parallel with this, together with the French Commune and the FPC Iberia, was planning a preventive attack on fascist Italy.

The undeclared war against Yugoslavia began on the night of April 5-6, 1941, when the first hungarian reconnaissance and sabotage groups secretly crossed the border of Yugoslavia and began the destruction of Yugoslav border guards. After dawn, in the early morning of April 6, 1941, air raids began. 150 bombers under cover of fighters attacked Belgrade, the main target was the city center, where the most important state institutions were located. Also, hungarian and bulgarian aircraft bombed yugoslav airfields in the regions of Skopje, Kumanovo, Nis, Zagreb and Ljubljana.

Only the next day, April 7, Yugoslavia began mobilization. On the same day, Italy declared war on the HSFSR and the entire Comintern and sent an expeditionary force of 40,000 people to Yugoslavia.

In the meantime, by April 10, the HSFSR had captured the territory of the Western Banat and, at the same time, was besieging Zagreb and Belgrade, and the bulgarian army on the same day began crossing the border, advancing to the cities of Skopje and Nis, still trying to rely on the defense of the border with Greece, which immediately declared war.

On April 12, the hungarian troops occupied the capital, Belgrade, due to low resistance. The yugoslav government, together with the king, evacuated to Ragusa, and later they left the country altogether, emigrating to Italy, and from there to Egypt, and from it straight to Australia.

Since April 9, ustashe armed pens were formed in central Croatia, on which Mussolini began to rely and entrusted them to defend Zagreb, but this did not help, and soon on April 14, Zagreb, defended by italo-croatian forces, fell under the cannonade of Soviet artillery.

The presence of Italy in the Balkans was greatly shaken due to the activities of the terrorist pens of the National Liberation Army, a partisan formation of communists in Albania under the leadership of Enver Hoxha, who carried out a series of sabotage on important objects of the Italian army, and then raised a nationwide Albanian uprising. For Italy and its bloc, the situation was further aggravated with the landing of the Ibero-German troops in Sicily and the breakthrough of German troops through the Alps towards Bolzano. The Italian command had no choice but to leave the Balkans to be eaten up and try to defend themselves in the Apennines.

However, the resistance in Yugoslavia ended on April 22, 1941 with the signing of the surrender. At the beginning of the summer, Italy itself had already fallen.

The result of this confrontation was the establishment of a socialist ideology on the territory of Yugoslavia and the exclusion of a number of significant lands from it in favor of its neighbors.

The land of Yugoslavia was divided and reduced. The Croatian Socialist Soviet Republic was proclaimed on the territory of Croatia, and the Slovenian Socialist Soviet Republic was also proclaimed on the territory of Slovenia. As a result, the "two liberated peoples" later became part of the HSFSR as union republics. The Hungarian SSR itself included the Western Banat and the region of Srem, on the territories of which the Autonomous Region of Vojvodina was formed with the center in Novi Sad.

Bulgaria was given the territory of Macedonia. Some areas were also returned, which had been taken away as a result of the Treaty of Neuilly in 1919.
The self-proclaimed People's Socialist Republic of Albania (PSRA), under the leadership of Enver Hoxha, acquired the part of Kosovo inhabited by Albanians, along with the cities of Pristina, Pec, Mitrovica.

As a result, only Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia remained in Yugoslavia, which became separate entities that formed the new Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRU), which fell under the common sphere of influence of the HSFSR and Bulgaria.

Later, some Italian territories were annexed to the Hungarian SFSR by a separate agreement, namely:
- the Istrian peninsula together with the port of Trieste, which became part of the Slovenian SSR;
- the port of Zadar, the islands of Cres, Lastovo, the Palagruz archipelago, which became part of the Croatian SSR.

Incidentally, the government of Soviet Germany tried to challenge the decision on the Slovenian question. The desire of the German comrades was to annex the port of Trieste and the entire main territory of Slovenia, so that there would be a territorial connection with the Adriatic Sea. But Trotsky was afraid of German dominance in Europe, because, owning the coasts of the Baltic and Adriatic seas, Germany would become such a middle link, completely controlling the east and west of Europe economically and politically, and anything could happen - some misunderstandings between German politicians and the rest could would lead to blackmail by Soviet Germany and it was necessary to avoid these possible undertakings, which was facilitated by the opinion of the Slovenian communists, who unanimously supported the option of Slovenia joining a federal and multinational Hungary, contrary to joining a unitary and mono-ethnic Germany (on the rights of autonomy, of course). The option of an independent Slovenia was also considered, but it's better to be someone's freeloader.

With the acquisition of the Dalmatian coast, the HSFSR now had access to the sea and was already able to conduct maritime trade. A plan was considered to develop their own naval forces.

Having gained a foothold in Yugoslavia, the Comintern opened its way to Greece, where in the near future, another socialist regime was also established by military means.

New period of the HSFSR. The end of the reign of Bela Kun and the subsequent perpetual change of power in the HSFSR in the 1950s. The arrival of Josip Broz Tito as the leader of the federation in 1956 as the reason for the subsequent reformation of the state. DSFSR against the backdrop of the world situation in the 1960s. Nuclear project "Svetoslav"

United states of Europe
After a series of separate local wars from the 1940s to the 1950s. the map of Europe is completely "repainted in the red color of the revolution."

"At the end of the war, I see Europe recreated not by diplomats, but by the proletariat - the Federal Republic of Europe - the United States of Europe - this is what must be created. Economic evolution requires the abolition of national borders. If Europe remains divided into national groups, then imperialism will again begin its work. Only the Federal Republic of Europe can give the world peace "- it was in these words that L. Trotsky's plan was laid down to reorganize the European continent into a confederation of European countries under the idea of socialism, and all this should be under the leadership of the Soviet Union, which was already considered a superpower and master of the greater parts of the Eurasian continent, along with the militaristic Japanese Empire, which, thanks to the weakening of Britain and other Western colonial powers, expanded its influence in Southeast Asia, forming its own political and economic bloc - the Great Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere.

In practice, the United States of Europe turned out to be an analogue of the same real Warsaw Pact.

The whole of Europe plunged into a "leftist jug", but the regimes that arose in its different parts were so diverse, and in order to fully agree and unite into some kind of unitary whole, it seemed like complete utopianism. For example, the same anarchist Iberia and the same bolshevik Soviet Union were quite ideologically contradictory and were not ready to adapt much to each other, and therefore they had to decide on some kind of compromise.

On May 14, 1949, in Geneva, at the conference initiated by L. Trotsky, representatives of most European states were invited, including the diplomatic representative of the HSFSR, Vilmos Böhm. The purpose of this meeting was to sign a collective agreement with the following goals:

- "Improvement" of the economies of Europe and the creation of a "single economic space";

- Erasure of international borders. Unhindered movement between member countries of the union;

- "Protection of the assets of the proletarian revolution."

The agreement provided for the creation of a political and economic union of European countries, which in fact would stretch from Lisbon to Vladivostok.
On June 5, 1949, the treaty entered into force and the new continental union - the United States of Europe included most of the countries of Europe, including the Soviet Union, Germany, France, Czech, Scandinavia, Iberia, Hungary, Benelux and a number of others.

Death of Béla Kun in 1950. Short-term reign of Imre Nagy (1950-1952)
From the very existence of the soviet regime in Hungary, the permanent leader of the country was directly Béla Kun, and suddenly, on the morning of August 29, 1950, he was found dead in his own estate near Budapest. He died at the age of 65 due to a cerebral hemorrhage. This was a shock to many and caused nationwide confusion in the country, because a rather strong "cult of personality" was formed around Bela Kun. In honor of him, many monuments were erected in many cities and villages of the country, as if like Lenin in the USSR.
On this occasion, a meeting of the bureau of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Hungarian SFSR was held, at which it was decided to make Imre Nagy, Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Bela Kun's closest associate, the new head of government.

There is a version that the death of B. Kuhn was intentional and was planned by his inner circle. This was all due to the great internal political struggle that began to arise as early as the mid-1940s. and its meaning lay in the defeat of Kun's personal secretariat personally by Nagy himself, who actively contacted the then Minister of the Interior of the HSFSR, Ferenc Erdei.

Personally, Nagy himself, most likely, was tired of totalitarianism and stagnation in all spheres of society, and thus he wanted to change the situation in the state.

Having become at the helm of power, Imre Nagy introduces market elements into the state economy, creates financial independence for state enterprises, focuses on light industry, reduces collectivization processes in the countryside and liberalizes spiritual life. In general, Nagy tried to take care of the well-being of the country's population.

The era of Mátyás Rákosi (1952-1956)
The stumbling block of the further reign of Imre Nagy was the party bureaucracy, which disagreed with his reforms. A faction of "conservatives" was formed in the ranks of the party, headed by Mátyás Rákosi, the then Head of the Budapest city committee. Nagy began to cut salaries for deputies and the rest of the state officials, which caused dissatisfaction with Nagy's reformist course, and Rakosi personally took advantage of this. Using political intrigues and attracting heavy industrialists with their antipathy to the economic course of Nagy, Mátyás Rákosi forced Imre Nagy in January 1953 to leave the post of Head of the Presidium, respectively taking it himself. In addition, everything was significantly influenced by Trotsky's loyalty to Rákosi and contempt for Nagy, considering the second to be an upstart and a right-wing deviationist. Imre Nagy himself was removed from politics and sent into retirement, into exile abroad in distant spanish Murcia, so that he would not annoy anyone.

And so ended 3 years of a conditional sip of freedom.

With the occupation of the government chair, Rákosi curtailed all the reforms of his predecessor and returned everything to its previous course. To gain a foothold in power, Rákosi began to resort to repressive policies. First of all, he reduced the role of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and increased the importance of AVH - the state secret service, appointing Gábor Péter as its director and expanding its staff. An active persecution of dissidents began, which accordingly went to the Carpathian mines.

Rákosi also took up the national-cultural issue. Being himself a Jew by nationality, Rákosi surprisingly showed quite pronounced magyarophile attitudes. In terms of education, he legally made the Hungarian language compulsory in all spheres of the country. Obscure, for example, for a Slovak or a Serb, the Hungarian language has become compulsory for studying at school. Hungarian became mandatory for joining the party, became mandatory in the army and in office work. All this was supposed to work under the idea of a single Soviet people and cosmopolitanism. This practice had long been manifest in Trotsky's Soviet Union, where Russian had become ubiquitous. Rákosi tried to actively imitate the actions of his russian protege, but to no avail, because the Hungarian language was quite difficult for the common masses to learn in the same Slovenia or Transcarpathia.

"Dark horse" named Josip Broz
" What a wonderful Croat," Béla Kun remarked and stepped aside. That was the first impression that the leader of the HSFSR expressed about the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Croatian SSR, Josip Broz.

Josip Broz, being a representative of the communist movement in Yugoslavia, began his activity as early as 1920 as a "professional revolutionary", engaged in agitation, organizing strikes and arrests, which ended with his first arrest and detention in 1924. After 3 years in prison he went into hiding. With the intensification of anti-communist hysteria in Yugoslavia, in 1929 he moved to the HSFSR.

In 1934, Broz was appointed head of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia, although Trotsky wanted him to be the leader of the entire communist movement in the Balkans, but Béla Kun decided to use Broz for completely different political purposes after the successful invasion of Yugoslavia. After Croatia joined the HSFSR, Josip Broz in 1941 was appointed head of the Croatian SSR, which he was until 1949. Later, Broz, by his own will, was transferred to the party organization of the Slovenian SSR, where he led until 1954. In the summer of 1954, he was appointed a member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the HSFSR, relatively speaking, he became a minor person in the government. Against the backdrop of a dramatic change in the leaders of the country, Tito had a fairly good reputation and he is one of the few who were lucky. He was not removed from his posts and at the same time he rose in his career position.

"Slavic" conspiracy of Broz. New socialism
In 1955, following Béla Kun at the age of 76, the then leader of the USSR and, in general, the leader of the entire "world proletariat" Lev Davidovich Trotsky went into oblivion.

Since 1956, the favorite of the people, the conditional liberal Malenkov, came to power in the Soviet Union. He was not as fanatical as his predecessor and did not take into account to continue the cause of the idea of a world revolution, turning all his efforts to improving the well-being of the citizens of the Soviet Union.

The reign of Rákosi was not approved in the USSR, from the moment when Georgy Maximilianovich sat down at the table of the "leader of the revolution" in the Kremlin, because this Rákosi, "Trotsky's best student", seemed rather fanatical to him.

Among other things, a conspiracy began against Rakosi in the form of the "Slavic" faction of the Communist Party of the HSFSR, in which the then member of the Presidium Josip Broz, the head of the Slovak SSR Gustáv Husák, the head of the Transcarpathian ASSR Ivan Turyanitsa, the Minister of Education György Lukács and another list of those who disagree with the policy of Rákosi were present. Also, the Minister of the Interior of the HSFSR, László Rajk, was ready to speak against Rákosi. Broz was the central figure in the conspiracy against Rákosi.

The moment of truth came when, on October 23, 1956, during the next plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the All-Union Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, Rákosi fell under a barrage of criticism and resigned in disgrace. Josip Broz was proclaimed the next head of state.

Mátyás Rákosi and his supporters were removed from their posts, stripped of all ranks, arrested, declared "traitors to the motherland" and ultimately sentenced to death by firing squad. Rakosi himself fled to the Soviet Union, to his homeland to his russian wife from Yakutia, to Fenia Kornilova.

A new person has risen to the political Olympus of the country, nicknamed "Tito" - this is how the people began to call Joseph Broz for his tendency to give orders in his native Croatian: "You do this, and you do that" (ti - to, a ti - to).

Having taken the post of the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the HSFSR and the Head of the Presidium, Tito demanded a radical transformation of the country in all spheres: economic, social and political. First of all, he wanted to abandon the Trotskyist course of building socialism, which, in his opinion, should be built from the will of a separate country, without orders from Moscow.

But first it was necessary to strengthen their power. First of all, the AVH was disbanded - the state security service, which, according to Tito, was completely stuffed with trotskyist agents that threatened to physically destroy him. The receiver of the liquidated service was the II Department of the Ministry of the Interior, led by László Rajk, who had previously been colluding with Tito against Rákosi.

Then personnel purges began in the government of the country. In 1957, the old cadres that ruled back in the time of Béla Kun were removed to a greater extent. In the same year, a new government was formed, loyal to Tito, half of which were from the slavic republics.

The new composition of the government of the DSFSR for 1957. The main positions of the country are indicated:

    ·         Josip Broz Tito, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the DSFSR, Chairman of the Presidium (Croat-Slovene);

    ·         Viliam Široký, Chairman of the Council of Ministers (Slovak);

    ·         Ferenc Nagy, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers (Hungarian);

    ·         László Rajk, Minister of the Interior of the DSFSR, Head of the Intelligence Service of the II Department of the Ministry of the Interior (German-Hungarian);

    ·         Edvard Kardelj, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the DSFSR (Slovene);

    ·         Ján Tabaček, Minister of Trade of the DSFSR (Slovak);

    ·         Rezső Nyers, Minister of Economy DSFSR (Hungarian);

    ·         Ivan Gošnjak, Defense Minister of the DSFSR (Croat);

    ·         Erik Molnár, Minister of Justice of the DSFSR (Hungarian);

    ·         György Lukács, Minister of Culture (Jew-Hungarian);

    ·         János Kádár, Head of the Hungarian SSR (Hungarian);

    ·         Josip Vidmar, Head of the Slovenian SSR (Slovene);

    ·         Karlo Mrazović, Head of the Croatian SSR (Croat);

    ·         Gustáv Husák, Head of the Slovak SSR (Slovak);

    ·         Valter Roman, Head of the Transylvanian SSR (German);

    ·         Petro Sova, Head of the Transcarpathian ASSR (Rusyn-Ukrainian).

There was a change in the national question, for Tito directed his efforts to downplay the dominance of the Hungarian element and build the country on a new principle. In Tito's plans as a total non-Hungarian and a canonical Slav, the task arose to transform the state into a federation of equal peoples.

At one point, he made a symbolic decision and there was a big reason for that. Since, with the accession in 1941, the share of Hungarians in the federation became significantly lower compared to other nations, having the prefix "Hungarian" in the official name of the country for Tito and his associates seemed a little delusional and chauvinistic. At the next federal congress of the union republics in April 1958, it was decided to rename the country into the Danubian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic in honor of the largest Danube river that flows through the whole country.

An administrative reform was carried out - the megye were abolished and regions were formed in their place.

With the coming to power of Tito, the second "thaw" began. In terms of the social and public sphere, freedom of speech, the rehabilitation of political prisoners, and the liquidation of labor camps began to develop. However, having eliminated some places of detention, Tito created the only concentration camp on the croatian island of Goli Otok, where he drove all his opponents in the form of pro-German and pro-Russian communists and other lovers of the old order. Such a croatian "Gulag archipelago" for the "re-education" of opponents of Titoism.

In economic terms, reforms began in the DSFSR under the leadership of Rezső Nyers. Directive planning was discontinued, the independence of enterprises was expanded, which now had significant funds at their disposal, and their competition in the market was encouraged. The price system was reformed.

A new communist ideology of a special type was born - "Titoism", which was based on market socialism. This socialism differed significantly from the same russian bolshevism or spanish anarchism in the sense that it was rather right-wing deviationist

In July 1960, a new Constitution of the Danubian SFSR was adopted, the main author of which was Edward Kardel, who was a consistent Titoist.
The constitution legally fixed Titoism as the state ideology of the country as an alternative way to build socialism.

The language issue was finally settled. In a country like the DSFSR, linguistic differences have always been strongly pronounced, while Hungarian was rightfully considered the main language. With the adoption of the new constitution, the language institute was changed. If initially the state language was always only Hungarian, then with the adoption of the new Constitution, all the languages of the DSFSR republics were recognized as equal along with Hungarian. The linguistic achievements of Rákosi's previous government were completely annulled. After the adoption of the constitution, the languages of all peoples and nationalities were to be equally used in the armed forces, while in the process of command and training any language of the peoples of the DSFSR could be used, and the languages of the peoples (national minorities) could only be used in military units. At the same time, several languages were used in the publication of legislative acts and in the process of legal proceedings. During the meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the DSFSR, where representatives of all the union republics gathered, simultaneous translation was used with the installed equipment.

Thanks to the new constitution, the rights of individual republics and autonomies were to some extent increased, which launched the processes of decentralization of the country.

A new era has begun in the existence of this vast state, stretching from the fields of Pannonia to the passes of Transcarpathia, from the peaks of the Tatra to the coast of Dalmatia.

DSFSR in foreign policy. Soviet-Danubian split
Tito all the time to play a special and significant role in Central Europe and the Balkans.

This first manifested itself in 1959, when the DSFSR became a diplomatic mediator in resolving the Teszyn issue. This issue appeared on the agenda only 29 years later, when Bolesław Bierut came to power in the neighboring Polish SSR, who promoted national communist slogans in order to unite the ancestral territories of Poland. As a result, the Czech Socialist Republic gave up part of its territories in favor of the Polish SSR, but in return received a significant share of monetary compensation.

Also back in 1958, the DSFSR took the initiative in building the "Friendship of Peoples" highway, which should be laid along the path Prague-Bratislava-Budapest-Zagreb-Sarajevo-Belgrade-Sofia.

In April 1960, an agreement was signed in Visegrad on the formation of the Visegrad Four bloc, which included the Danubian SFSR, Czech, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, which is due to the lobbying of mutual economic interests and the national-historical connection of these four countries.

Soon, in 1960, in the Soviet Union, instead of the weak-willed Malenkov, Tukhachevsky, irreconcilable with the prevailing alignment of events, came to power, who at one time was Trotsky's closest ally and faithful successor to his cause.

Contrary to Tukhachevsky's plans to unite the socialist bloc, Tito did completely opposite actions (building an independent market socialism, liquidating the pro-Moscow opposition), which, from the beginning of the 1960s, forced Tito to be perceived as a geopolitical adversary rather than as a true ally.

The big changes that began in the DSFSR in 1956 began to gradually strain the political bosses of the Soviet Union. The demonization of Tito and his policies began, which was manifested, for example, in the depiction of cartoons in the Soviet magazine "Krokodil", where Tito was compared to the then Minister of Defense of Argentina and the nazi Hermann Göring, who was quite similar to Josip Broz Tito in appearance.

There were attempts to assassinate Tito and intentions to sow social instability in the DSFSR, but they ended fatally. They say that when Tukhachevsky sent killers to Tito for the tenth time to eliminate him, he once again returned to the USSR not only their corpses, but also a message: "If you send me again, I will send you one of my own, and the second will not would need".

A plan was hatched to carry out the military operation "Danube", which provided for the invasion of troops into the Danubian SFSR in order to overthrow the political leadership of Tito and establish a regime loyal to Tukhachevsky, but this idea was too expensive. In addition to the rebel Tito, the Soviet Union began to have other problems - the suppression of uprisings in Britain, Scandinavia, the participation of the Soviet contingent in wars in Africa, the military-ideological confrontation with the Japanese Empire in the Middle East.

World nuclear race. Cold War
It is worth moving away from the main topic and describing a little world situation.

In short, since 1946 there has been a bipolarity in the world. There are two blocs, the center of one of which is the Soviet Union - this is the Comintern. In opposition to the Comintern, there is a second bloc and this is the Pacific Alliance, the centers of which are the United States and the Empire of Japan, respectively.

There is a military, ideological and economic balance in the world, which is maintained to this day. Both the Comintern and the Pacific Alliance are afraid of direct confrontation, having directed against each other one very destructive weapon for humanity.

The second half of the 20th century is the era of the Cold War, as one famous Anglo-American writer George Orwell, who wrote the book "1984", defined it.

By the way, the second half of the 20th century is also the era of nuclear energy. First of all, it began to develop in the United States, where in the 1940s. The first nuclear reactor to generate electricity for domestic use was built in Idaho. This was due to the fact that in the United States there was a huge potential of nuclear scientists, many of whom fled to the United States in order to continue their activities there freely, making the atom "an instrument in the service of mankind." It was first of all Albert Einstein, it was Niels Bohr, Georgy Kistyakovsky, Otto Frisch and many others.

But atomic science began to develop not only in a peaceful direction. Thanks to the extracted materials during the 1940s. agents of the KGB and the Stasi obtained information about a certain "Manhattan Project", which meant the creation of the previously mentioned weapon, which was a terribly powerful tool in the hands of one country or another.

The Country of the Soviets also did not lag behind in this regard and tried to speed up the implementation of super-powerful weapons. Back in October 1942, the Soviet Union decided to launch work on the creation of this weapon, which is a bomb filled with nuclear energy. Then Trotsky convened a narrow meeting, which was attended by the leading scientists of the Union. It was during these October days that the GKO resolution No. 2352 “On the organization of work on uranium”, signed by Trotsky, was adopted. It obliged the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, represented by the scientist Abram Ioffe, to resume work on the study of atomic energy and submit to the GKO before April 1, 1943 a report on the possibility of creating atomic weapons or uranium fuel. Igor Kurchatov was appointed head of the nuclear project.

Similar events were held in Soviet Germany under the supervision of Gustav Hertz, where the scientific and technological level was an order of magnitude higher than the USSR in the development of nuclear physics.

With the conquest of Britain in 1943, many useful things for the development of the uranium project fell into the hands of the Soviets, which of course accelerated the process of implementing the Enormoz project.

In parallel with this, the United States was very afraid of the further strengthening of the Comintern. The Japanese Empire could become a situational ally in such a situation, since it was at that time a big obstacle to communist expansion in Eurasia. At the same time, Japan was backward in military-technological terms and therefore there was a threat of the total defeat of Japan by the communists with the help of the same nuclear weapons.
Japanese-American cooperation began to develop in a good direction since the early 1940s, when it became finally clear that Europe had completely fallen under the onslaught of the "red plague". When the USSR began to turn its eyes to Asia, this cooperation intensified more. The United States turned a blind eye to the actions of Japan in China, to the occupation of the colonies of France, Britain and Holland, seeing in Japan a lesser evil than the Comintern. Also, Japan did not dare to make an enemy out of the United States, concentrating its forces on the defense of the northern borders.
On April 4, 1946, the Manila Pact was concluded between the United States and the Japanese Empire in Manila, Philippines. It is considered to be the beginning of the formation of the Pacific Alliance. The treaty created a system of collective security in the territories of Southeast Asia and America. This treaty was focused on repelling the threat from the USSR and the entire Comintern. This pact also includes Canada and a number of Latin American states (Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, Chile and others). Having begun to actively invest efforts in nuclear rocket science, the United States at the same time began to deploy nuclear warheads in the territories of Japan, Canada, India, and Iceland near the borders of the Comintern's sphere of influence.

Nuclear program DSFSR. "Svetoslav"
What about DSFSR? And should it also have this destructive element of the atom? In view of the ingenuity of Tito, it is quite possible, despite the fact that the monopoly on nuclear weapons could belong exclusively to the USSR and Soviet Germany, and buying these weapons from them for their own needs, as if like some kind of lawn mower for their garden, was an unflappable decision for them . Moscow and Berlin were not interested in the DSFSR independently owning nuclear weapons. There was only one option - to allow the USSR or Germany to deploy their own missile divisions on the territory of the DSFSR, but still this idea had no weighty grounds. Before Tito came to power in the HSFSR, few people were interested in the prospect of creating and owning nuclear weapons. Tito, on the other hand, began to become seriously interested in this, starting to develop a concept for creating his own nuclear forces, in view of his pronounced independence against the backdrop of the Comintern and with all his desire to make the DSFSR a parity side with respect to the USSR, Germany, Japan and the USA.

The Tito leadership was convinced that they had a trump card in the development of nuclear weapons - a Yugoslav scientist named Pavle Savic, who was an honorary foreign member of the Academy of Sciences of the DSFSR and was personally invited by Tito himself to live and work in the Danubian SFSR.

Back in 1951, by decision of the Presidium of the HSFSR, the construction of the Physics Institute began in Debrecen, which was built already under Tito in 1960.

Meanwhile, in Titograd (Ljubljana) in 1957, the first nuclear reactor in the country was already launched, which began processing uranium.

In 1961, a uranium mine was opened in the Carpathian Mountains in the Bihor region. There was enough raw material and the mine began its vigorous activity. In parallel with this, nuclear fuel and heavy water were purchased in the USSR for supposedly peaceful purposes.

On the evening of April 13, 1963, a report on the completion of work on the "Svetoslav Project" lay on Tito's desk.

On July 7, 1963, at exactly 10:00 a.m., the first successful test of a nuclear device was carried out on the remote Palagruza archipelago. The blast wave was tangible even in Italy, in the city of Peschici, where most of the houses had broken windows. Within a radius of almost a hundred kilometers, electronic devices temporarily failed.

Without delay, Tito declared to the whole world that the Danubian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic also had the right to possess a nuclear bomb. During the next parade on March 21, 1964, on the day of the 45th anniversary of the Danubian Socialist Revolution, models of nuclear missiles mounted on cargo tractors were demonstrated for the first time on the main street of Budapest, which made the people believe in the power of Tito's new weapons.
No one knows what further events will lead to.