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Description
The map of the world just after the end of Japan’s Civil War, and with a new peace established.

Carlos Irons, War, Peace and Revolution: 1914-1916, 2011, pp.52-55

The Great War dramatically influenced the way in which the world was constructed. Almost 30 million lives had been lost over the course of it, with many of those lives being in Europe and China. Something had to be done about the devastation that was plaguing the world’s nations. Germany had emerged unquestionable victor in mainland Europe, but it was a pyrrhic victory for sure. The Ottomans and Bulgarians were weakened, Austria and Japan had collapsed into Civil War, the Yuan would cease to exist, and Italy had betrayed them. They had lost all their colonies except Togo, their most profitable one, and this was only due to some favourable negotiations with the defeated French. Still, Germany had now gained a range of vassals in the Baltic Sea, and had neutered Russia’s presence in Europe, humiliating that nation. Even better, they had got the best of France, the nation who was trying to take revenge on them after the humiliating Franco-Prussian war. While its ally of Austria-Hungary was more or less gone as the rebellions had gone out of hand, it could use this as an opportunity to bring about unification with their German brothers in that country, allowing the fulfilment of Bismarck’s dreams. Finally coming on friendly terms with the Hungarian independence groups, under a rival branch of Habsburgs, Germany settled things down once and for all, and on the 12th of March 1914, Europe and to a lesser extent Africa and Asia would be changed forever.

The first treaty to be formed this day would be the Treaty of Luxembourg, which would determine the fate of Western Europe.

The consequences relating to the defeat of France were quite profound. These included:

· The return of Cameroon and Togo to full German control.

· The annexation of Luxembourg and German populated territories within Belgium.

· The annexation of the remainder of the Lorraine region such as Nancy.

· The occupation and demilitarisation of a large portion of Eastern France stretching from Normandy to Savoy.

· To cede the territories of Roussillon, northern Basque and Constantine to Spain.

· To accept the Spanish annexation of Andorra.

· To loan to Germany and Spain 85 billion gold marks ($21 billion) [1] to cover damages to the respective powers’ economies by the war.

· Forbidden to form an alliance with Britain for 33 years.

Britain, being in a clearly superior position to France would be allowed a more reasonable arrangement.

· The acceptance of Britain’s annexation of Cyrenaica and Germany’s East African and Pacific possessions.

· The acceptance of German domination on the mainland.

· The recognition of Belgium as a German vassal.

· Reparation of £25 million.

The second major war treaty would be that of the Second Congress of Vienna. This would determine the fate of former Austria Hungary, the Balkans, Germany’s new puppet states and trading agreements. This would include:

· The provinces of Austria, Bohemia-Moravia, Slovenia, Liechtenstein and lower Silesia would be annexed into Germany with limited autonomy.

· Hungary would be granted independence with control over core Hungary, inland Croatia, Slovakia and western Transylvania.

· Istria, Dalmatia and Trieste would become Italian property.

· Galicia and such territories would be given to Poland, while Ruthenia would be granted independence.

· Bosnia and the various Serb regions would be added to Serbia, along with Montenegro and Albania to form a southern Slavic state, centred in Belgrade.

· Thrace and Macedonia would be partitioned between Bulgaria and Greece.

· Bulgaria would gain its territorial claims off Romania, whom in exchange has recognition over Bessarabia and eastern Transylvania.

With regards to the Ottoman Empire, the country would manage to survive in a dramatically neutered form after the Treaty of Damascus. While rejecting the offer to use Arab nationalism to undermine the Ottomans, many Arab territories ended up being broken away nevertheless. The figures of the treaty would include:

· The Hejaz region coming under British protection, with the plan that it be set up as an independent and neutral state for all Muslims to be able to visit at will.

· The establishment of British protectorates over Palestine, Lower Jordan and southern Mesopotamia, particularly the Shiite areas.

· The partition of former Ottoman Libya between Italy and Britain, with the former receiving Tripolitania, while the latter receives Cyrenaica.

· £30 million reparation for defeat.

· A British guarantee not to incite Arab revolts.

Despite this breaking, the Ottomans managed to go through several reforms over the years and start on the path towards modernisation, though in a way more independent from that of the Germans, who they believed betrayed them.

Finally, the war in Russia was of profound impact, as thanks to the November Revolution [2], Japan was falling into civil war, and thus it could not continue its war with Russia. Nevertheless, it was able to hold on to several territories quite well. While the imperial government refused any treaties, Sakai’s communist rebels were more open to peace, and not long after securing Tokyo, signed a new Treaty on the 21st of April 1914, named the Kyoto Affair. This involved:

· Complete Japanese withdrawal from Manchuria and Korea, with recognition of Russia’s influence in China.

· An end to Japan’s intervention in China in support of the Yuan.

· The secession of the Kuril Islands and southern Sakhalin to the new Japanese government, with renunciation of further claims given.

· An embargo on northern Japan naval bases to minimise the risk of naval attacks for many years to come.

With Kyoto done, the communists could focus on subsuming the other left-wing factions and eliminating the right-wing ones. With this, foreign intervention in China ended.

Finally in early May, the last Yuan forces surrounding the Forbidden City were defeated, with Emperor Yuan committing suicide in his palace. Just two days later, Yuan forces surrendered once and for all. [3] From this point would begin the long and strenuous process of rebuilding the republic, and allowing Sun’s new government to dominate China for many years to come. The country had lost millions of lives in the war, and lost significant amounts of land to the “greedy” Russians and their puppets, but China was finally at peace, and could afford to modernise without issue. Sun set about the implementation of democratic reforms to make sure that the peasants and workers of China had more of a say in the running of the country, while increasing the standards of living. He also opened up China’s diplomacy and got loans to help rebuild his country from the war.

The consequences of these treaties would have far flung implications for the peoples of Europe, while setting the stage up for future conflicts, something that the Germans had not intended to do, but would nevertheless be likely to result from this. The inevitability of conflict was unquestioned by many.

While the Great War had ended, Japan’s Civil War was in its early stages. The main basis for revolutionary forces, both communist and anarchist came from the Kansai region, where those living there were more impoverished than usual, and therefore more susceptible to anti-government viewpoints and revolutionary thought. Lesser uprisings occured in Hiroshima, Kyoto, Nagasak and the north-east coast. Emperor Taisho was more hesitant to support the nationalists, as they became increasingly polarised in their viewpoints, as they battled against the other sides’ extremists. With dissatisfaction with the Field Marshall and former shogun in all but name Oyama Iwao’s rule peaking, a revolt in Tokyo itself took place, nicknamed the ‘Thursday Riot’ for taking place on a Thursday of August the 6th, with him and his advisers thrown out and executed. The rebels then welcomed in the communists who were moving into the area, hoping their treatment would be less brutal. The collaboration between communists and socialists was quite a strong one, as the communists helped organise the socialists, pushing them towards their viewpoints, while the socialists helped moderate some of the peaceful elements within society. The anarcho-syndicalists played their own part in this as well. While some of the most radical communists and anarchists called for the destruction of the royal family, thus depriving the ‘yellow’ forces of a figurehead, the decision was made to give them a form of ‘friendly exile’ in Okinawa, where they would get their own living space to live far away from the politics of the main part of Japan. This move gave them a significant amount of popularity among the populace, as killing the royal family could have been political suicide for them. The Radical Proletarian Front continued gaining ground throughout the cities of Japan, though the countryside was a much slower affair due to reactionary sympathies, as well as the situation overseas, where the loyalist navy and secessionists made their voices heard. Sakai and Sen Katayama soon established a council leading the socialists in the movement, with Kanson Arahata being a minister in charge of propaganda in support of the new regime. Katayama set about trying to bring about more international support for the communists and other socialists by visiting the United States, hoping to find sympathy there among the peoples of the West Coast, to little avail.

Others, such as Hitoshi Yamakawa were also taking part in the movement, though he was critical of the rest of the party’s relative tolerance of anarchism and lack of support towards the agricultural lower classes, whom he argued should have as much or even more say than the urban minorities. While minor schisms were already in place within the RPF, these were put aside as they fought the war against the reactionaries as well as socialists who refused to cooperate.

Kotoku’s anarchists made substantial leeway throughout Kansai during the early parts of the war, though he was less involved in the actual conflict and more in the theoretical aspects of the new lands. His writings as well as those of Sakae Osugi continued to be of great influence in Kyoto and Fukui, and although their factions were opposing, he maintained decent personal relations with Sakai. Within this limited in scope ‘free territory’, policies were implemented to eliminate reactionaries and ‘authoritarian’ socialists from the political sphere, though this would result in them become pretty authoritarian themselves as a result. Osugi in particular began to add a spiritualistic element to Japanese anarchism, having some influence from Tolstoyism, ancient Japanese animism and the concept of ‘Free Love’, while also agreeing with Sakai about the proliferation of Esperanto. As the situation was declining in its applicability, considerations were being made to flee from Japan to another land altogether, hoping to establish a true anarchistic society without the oppressive measures of communists and such. In February 1915, the anarchists left the Civil War for somewhere in the Pacific, particularly the former Spanish East Indies, which Japan had recently gained from Germany during the war. Fighting between communists and loyalists was less present here, though still a factor, and so the anarchists managed to settle on the island of Nauru and the surrounding region, finally establishing the anarchist land they had desired. They would shelter here for the rest of Japan’s Civil War and beyond, serving as a spring-board for the anarchist ideology to go further. [4]

In Formosa, the Japanese had only recently acquired the region, and so their influence was not as profound as it could have been. At the same time, much of the region was culturally and ethnically distinct from mainland China, and so national identities had been developing. Taking advantage of Japan’s civil war, the Formosans came together and began to negotiate a plea for their own nation, free from Japanese or Chinese oppression. In the 27th of June 1914, the charter declared an independent Republic of Formosa, with thousands rising to support. However, forces loyal to the Japanese, either imperial or anti-imperial, were also present in the thousands, and so war broke out. The thorn of Formosa would eat into the heart of the Civil War for months and even years, extending it well after the rest of the war had finished. This was due to the tenacity of the native groups in the region, who were determined not to give up on their freedom, wishing to establish a democratic state like the United States or the UK. Wishing as much control and legitimacy as they could, while not allowing for either secessionists or a functioning government in exile, the communists pushed as much forces as possible into Formosa to prevent this secession, though resistance would drag on as far as September 1916 officially, with some small outposts lasting years later unofficially.

Bryans in the United States was beginning to reverse the tides of American imperialism occurring over the last few decades, while also wishing to mend ties with the Spanish. Rumours even started going around that he planned to sell the Philippines, Puerto Rico and even Cuba back to them, though it was clear that they wanted no such thing. Instead, Puerto Rico was granted autonomy, and at first so was the Philippines in the Home Act of July 1914. Over the next year, more preparations were made into Bryans’ plans, including providing the Filipinos with a functioning autonomous government that could function under democratic principles. While he wanted to give the Philippines their own fate, it would be under favourable terms to America nevertheless. The act was met with much protest from the American public, but ultimately people were not willing to rebel over some provinces in Asia or the Caribbean, and would reluctantly comply with this, as Bryans was doing a solid job in managing the country’s economy and wage gaps. Finally, in the 16th March 1916, the United States officially granted independence to the Republic of the Philippines [5] under a democratic government, not long before Bryans was held for re-election against the new candidates. He would not go on for another term. The new republic on the other hand, had a strong start initially, but would later come across its own sets of issues as time went on for them, as the Americans did not give them the help they anticipated.

As 1915 went on, the Japanese imperialists lost more and more ground, as their notorious brutality made them increasingly unpopular among the populace. The Emperor was seen to still be of reverence, but have been exploited by the bourgeoisie and imperialists for their own ‘selfish motivations’ as the RPF propaganda stated. The Fukui Free Territory was soon crushed by the RPF, with Kotoku and his allies retreating into the recently acquired Melanesia to find new land to occupy, particularly that recently granted from Germany. Meanwhile, the communist forces secured their dominance over not only the main part of Japan, but also the recently acquired territories of the Kuril Islands and southern Sakhalin. By October 1915, the main part of the Civil War was over, the country beginning to mend itself as a result. Sakai and Katayama set about organising the post-revolution structure, with the seizure of land from the now unpopular aristocrats and old nobles. The former royal family would be held as ‘guests’ in Okinawa, thus neither making them a threat to the new order, nor killing them and forming rebellion amongst the peoples, with many believing in the Emperor’s divinity, something the new government was not tolerant of generally. Sakai took the main power seat as the “People’s Shogun”, with the ‘Proletarians’ Republic of Japan’ [6] being declared as a nation on the 23rd of October. Katayama was made the general secretary, being the chief adviser as well as leader of the ‘Peoples’ Council’ that was established. This would be done to discuss rising issues and matters around the country, such as food shortages. They set about no short time trying to feed the starving, with campaigns to feed and employ the homeless being heavily funded and publicised, showing that this new government ‘cared’ about its citizens, leading to the formation of the Welfare Committee to ensure that living standards were up to date with the changing world around them. Still having sympathy with Kotoku and his group, trade unions which protested against the war and in favour of improving workers’ rights were given full protection by the government to carry out their will, helping local workers sort out their difficulties more easily and on a more democratic level. [7]

The old Imperial military measures were also disbanded, with the IJA replaced with the Revolutionary Army, committed to securing the country against Imperialist invaders, while the IJN would be replaced with the Red Sun Navy, which upon retaining some upgrades over the old systems, would soon become one of the most advanced armies in the world, with much of Japan’s resources put into maintaining and improving it. They would use this in their campaigns to pacify Formosa and Micronesia as testing for their abilities. Success in Micronesia was noted by many, with European and American navies being very hesitant to get involved despite the stakes. After all, the need to intervene in Japan wouldn’t nearly have the same strategic, tactical or monetary value that an intervention would have in somewhere like France, China or Russia. [8] Nevertheless, British, German, French and American banks would often fund the Formosans in their quest for independence, something that would delay their defeat for months. But sometimes, funding only delays the inevitable, and in August of 1916, the RSN launched a full scale invasion, crushing most of the rebels and counterrevolutionaries there, with the last official holding falling on the 23rd of September. From this point onwards, Japan would be under one official government, with all opposition crushed, silenced or exiled. The place of the country had gone from a failed rising power of the Pacific, into a new and potentially dangerous form of government that the western powers feared might impact their own lives as well.

[1] About 63% of the OTL reparation demanded by Germany, though the same as what Germany actually managed to pay.

[2] While the official organised uprisings and declaration of war on the government began on the 13th of December 1913, organised riots and mutinies were already starting in November, giving a de-facto name to the revolution.

[3] One of Yuan’s sons is said to have gone into exile in Japan for a short time, though he later escaped and found himself in Malaysia under British custody, where he would remain until his death from liver failure in 1957.

[4] The Nauru Spring that would occur later from this, especially in the era of decolonisation, can definitely trace its origins back to Kotoku and those inspired by him.

[5] I’m thinking that if anyone, the Philippines could be a decent equivalent to Poland or Romania later down the line, with its own set of issues such as a Muslim insurrection in Mindanao, who feel harassed by the pro-Catholic government.

[6] This one better? Or would the old “Workers’ Republic” be more fitting? I just wanted something different than the standard ‘Democratic’ or ‘Peoples’ republic for a title.

[7] With this in place, the system would involve more direct democracy than OTL’s USSR, and thus be less prone to totalitarianism on the greater scale, though this wouldn’t stop leaders from trying.

[8] I reasoned that Japan is a significantly smaller power and threat militarily and strategically than Russia, especially ITTL, so there would be less effort made internationally for some kind of intervention, as Japan’s power would almost certainly be more regional, as would the amount by which it could spread communism. Unlike the USSR, these Japanese did manage to inherit most if not all of the old Empire’s territories, but legitimately gain some of the small new territories in the north. If Russia had been that lucky IOTL, things may be very different.

Description
The map of the world just after the end of Japan’s Civil War, and with a new peace established.

Carlos Irons, War, Peace and Revolution: 1914-1916, 2011, pp.52-55

The Great War dramatically influenced the way in which the world was constructed. Almost 30 million lives had been lost over the course of it, with many of those lives being in Europe and China. Something had to be done about the devastation that was plaguing the world’s nations. Germany had emerged unquestionable victor in mainland Europe, but it was a pyrrhic victory for sure. The Ottomans and Bulgarians were weakened, Austria and Japan had collapsed into Civil War, the Yuan would cease to exist, and Italy had betrayed them. They had lost all their colonies except Togo, their most profitable one, and this was only due to some favourable negotiations with the defeated French. Still, Germany had now gained a range of vassals in the Baltic Sea, and had neutered Russia’s presence in Europe, humiliating that nation. Even better, they had got the best of France, the nation who was trying to take revenge on them after the humiliating Franco-Prussian war. While its ally of Austria-Hungary was more or less gone as the rebellions had gone out of hand, it could use this as an opportunity to bring about unification with their German brothers in that country, allowing the fulfilment of Bismarck’s dreams. Finally coming on friendly terms with the Hungarian independence groups, under a rival branch of Habsburgs, Germany settled things down once and for all, and on the 12th of March 1914, Europe and to a lesser extent Africa and Asia would be changed forever.

The first treaty to be formed this day would be the Treaty of Luxembourg, which would determine the fate of Western Europe.

The consequences relating to the defeat of France were quite profound. These included:

· The return of Cameroon and Togo to full German control.

· The annexation of Luxembourg and German populated territories within Belgium.

· The annexation of the remainder of the Lorraine region such as Nancy.

· The occupation and demilitarisation of a large portion of Eastern France stretching from Normandy to Savoy.

· To cede the territories of Roussillon, northern Basque and Constantine to Spain.

· To accept the Spanish annexation of Andorra.

· To loan to Germany and Spain 85 billion gold marks ($21 billion) [1] to cover damages to the respective powers’ economies by the war.

· Forbidden to form an alliance with Britain for 33 years.

Britain, being in a clearly superior position to France would be allowed a more reasonable arrangement.

· The acceptance of Britain’s annexation of Cyrenaica and Germany’s East African and Pacific possessions.

· The acceptance of German domination on the mainland.

· The recognition of Belgium as a German vassal.

· Reparation of £25 million.

The second major war treaty would be that of the Second Congress of Vienna. This would determine the fate of former Austria Hungary, the Balkans, Germany’s new puppet states and trading agreements. This would include:

· The provinces of Austria, Bohemia-Moravia, Slovenia, Liechtenstein and lower Silesia would be annexed into Germany with limited autonomy.

· Hungary would be granted independence with control over core Hungary, inland Croatia, Slovakia and western Transylvania.

· Istria, Dalmatia and Trieste would become Italian property.

· Galicia and such territories would be given to Poland, while Ruthenia would be granted independence.

· Bosnia and the various Serb regions would be added to Serbia, along with Montenegro and Albania to form a southern Slavic state, centred in Belgrade.

· Thrace and Macedonia would be partitioned between Bulgaria and Greece.

· Bulgaria would gain its territorial claims off Romania, whom in exchange has recognition over Bessarabia and eastern Transylvania.

With regards to the Ottoman Empire, the country would manage to survive in a dramatically neutered form after the Treaty of Damascus. While rejecting the offer to use Arab nationalism to undermine the Ottomans, many Arab territories ended up being broken away nevertheless. The figures of the treaty would include:

· The Hejaz region coming under British protection, with the plan that it be set up as an independent and neutral state for all Muslims to be able to visit at will.

· The establishment of British protectorates over Palestine, Lower Jordan and southern Mesopotamia, particularly the Shiite areas.

· The partition of former Ottoman Libya between Italy and Britain, with the former receiving Tripolitania, while the latter receives Cyrenaica.

· £30 million reparation for defeat.

· A British guarantee not to incite Arab revolts.

Despite this breaking, the Ottomans managed to go through several reforms over the years and start on the path towards modernisation, though in a way more independent from that of the Germans, who they believed betrayed them.

Finally, the war in Russia was of profound impact, as thanks to the November Revolution [2], Japan was falling into civil war, and thus it could not continue its war with Russia. Nevertheless, it was able to hold on to several territories quite well. While the imperial government refused any treaties, Sakai’s communist rebels were more open to peace, and not long after securing Tokyo, signed a new Treaty on the 21st of April 1914, named the Kyoto Affair. This involved:

· Complete Japanese withdrawal from Manchuria and Korea, with recognition of Russia’s influence in China.

· An end to Japan’s intervention in China in support of the Yuan.

· The secession of the Kuril Islands and southern Sakhalin to the new Japanese government, with renunciation of further claims given.

· An embargo on northern Japan naval bases to minimise the risk of naval attacks for many years to come.

With Kyoto done, the communists could focus on subsuming the other left-wing factions and eliminating the right-wing ones. With this, foreign intervention in China ended.

Finally in early May, the last Yuan forces surrounding the Forbidden City were defeated, with Emperor Yuan committing suicide in his palace. Just two days later, Yuan forces surrendered once and for all. [3] From this point would begin the long and strenuous process of rebuilding the republic, and allowing Sun’s new government to dominate China for many years to come. The country had lost millions of lives in the war, and lost significant amounts of land to the “greedy” Russians and their puppets, but China was finally at peace, and could afford to modernise without issue. Sun set about the implementation of democratic reforms to make sure that the peasants and workers of China had more of a say in the running of the country, while increasing the standards of living. He also opened up China’s diplomacy and got loans to help rebuild his country from the war.

The consequences of these treaties would have far flung implications for the peoples of Europe, while setting the stage up for future conflicts, something that the Germans had not intended to do, but would nevertheless be likely to result from this. The inevitability of conflict was unquestioned by many.

While the Great War had ended, Japan’s Civil War was in its early stages. The main basis for revolutionary forces, both communist and anarchist came from the Kansai region, where those living there were more impoverished than usual, and therefore more susceptible to anti-government viewpoints and revolutionary thought. Lesser uprisings occured in Hiroshima, Kyoto, Nagasak and the north-east coast. Emperor Taisho was more hesitant to support the nationalists, as they became increasingly polarised in their viewpoints, as they battled against the other sides’ extremists. With dissatisfaction with the Field Marshall and former shogun in all but name Oyama Iwao’s rule peaking, a revolt in Tokyo itself took place, nicknamed the ‘Thursday Riot’ for taking place on a Thursday of August the 6th, with him and his advisers thrown out and executed. The rebels then welcomed in the communists who were moving into the area, hoping their treatment would be less brutal. The collaboration between communists and socialists was quite a strong one, as the communists helped organise the socialists, pushing them towards their viewpoints, while the socialists helped moderate some of the peaceful elements within society. The anarcho-syndicalists played their own part in this as well. While some of the most radical communists and anarchists called for the destruction of the royal family, thus depriving the ‘yellow’ forces of a figurehead, the decision was made to give them a form of ‘friendly exile’ in Okinawa, where they would get their own living space to live far away from the politics of the main part of Japan. This move gave them a significant amount of popularity among the populace, as killing the royal family could have been political suicide for them. The Radical Proletarian Front continued gaining ground throughout the cities of Japan, though the countryside was a much slower affair due to reactionary sympathies, as well as the situation overseas, where the loyalist navy and secessionists made their voices heard. Sakai and Sen Katayama soon established a council leading the socialists in the movement, with Kanson Arahata being a minister in charge of propaganda in support of the new regime. Katayama set about trying to bring about more international support for the communists and other socialists by visiting the United States, hoping to find sympathy there among the peoples of the West Coast, to little avail.

Others, such as Hitoshi Yamakawa were also taking part in the movement, though he was critical of the rest of the party’s relative tolerance of anarchism and lack of support towards the agricultural lower classes, whom he argued should have as much or even more say than the urban minorities. While minor schisms were already in place within the RPF, these were put aside as they fought the war against the reactionaries as well as socialists who refused to cooperate.

Kotoku’s anarchists made substantial leeway throughout Kansai during the early parts of the war, though he was less involved in the actual conflict and more in the theoretical aspects of the new lands. His writings as well as those of Sakae Osugi continued to be of great influence in Kyoto and Fukui, and although their factions were opposing, he maintained decent personal relations with Sakai. Within this limited in scope ‘free territory’, policies were implemented to eliminate reactionaries and ‘authoritarian’ socialists from the political sphere, though this would result in them become pretty authoritarian themselves as a result. Osugi in particular began to add a spiritualistic element to Japanese anarchism, having some influence from Tolstoyism, ancient Japanese animism and the concept of ‘Free Love’, while also agreeing with Sakai about the proliferation of Esperanto. As the situation was declining in its applicability, considerations were being made to flee from Japan to another land altogether, hoping to establish a true anarchistic society without the oppressive measures of communists and such. In February 1915, the anarchists left the Civil War for somewhere in the Pacific, particularly the former Spanish East Indies, which Japan had recently gained from Germany during the war. Fighting between communists and loyalists was less present here, though still a factor, and so the anarchists managed to settle on the island of Nauru and the surrounding region, finally establishing the anarchist land they had desired. They would shelter here for the rest of Japan’s Civil War and beyond, serving as a spring-board for the anarchist ideology to go further. [4]

In Formosa, the Japanese had only recently acquired the region, and so their influence was not as profound as it could have been. At the same time, much of the region was culturally and ethnically distinct from mainland China, and so national identities had been developing. Taking advantage of Japan’s civil war, the Formosans came together and began to negotiate a plea for their own nation, free from Japanese or Chinese oppression. In the 27th of June 1914, the charter declared an independent Republic of Formosa, with thousands rising to support. However, forces loyal to the Japanese, either imperial or anti-imperial, were also present in the thousands, and so war broke out. The thorn of Formosa would eat into the heart of the Civil War for months and even years, extending it well after the rest of the war had finished. This was due to the tenacity of the native groups in the region, who were determined not to give up on their freedom, wishing to establish a democratic state like the United States or the UK. Wishing as much control and legitimacy as they could, while not allowing for either secessionists or a functioning government in exile, the communists pushed as much forces as possible into Formosa to prevent this secession, though resistance would drag on as far as September 1916 officially, with some small outposts lasting years later unofficially.

Bryans in the United States was beginning to reverse the tides of American imperialism occurring over the last few decades, while also wishing to mend ties with the Spanish. Rumours even started going around that he planned to sell the Philippines, Puerto Rico and even Cuba back to them, though it was clear that they wanted no such thing. Instead, Puerto Rico was granted autonomy, and at first so was the Philippines in the Home Act of July 1914. Over the next year, more preparations were made into Bryans’ plans, including providing the Filipinos with a functioning autonomous government that could function under democratic principles. While he wanted to give the Philippines their own fate, it would be under favourable terms to America nevertheless. The act was met with much protest from the American public, but ultimately people were not willing to rebel over some provinces in Asia or the Caribbean, and would reluctantly comply with this, as Bryans was doing a solid job in managing the country’s economy and wage gaps. Finally, in the 16th March 1916, the United States officially granted independence to the Republic of the Philippines [5] under a democratic government, not long before Bryans was held for re-election against the new candidates. He would not go on for another term. The new republic on the other hand, had a strong start initially, but would later come across its own sets of issues as time went on for them, as the Americans did not give them the help they anticipated.

As 1915 went on, the Japanese imperialists lost more and more ground, as their notorious brutality made them increasingly unpopular among the populace. The Emperor was seen to still be of reverence, but have been exploited by the bourgeoisie and imperialists for their own ‘selfish motivations’ as the RPF propaganda stated. The Fukui Free Territory was soon crushed by the RPF, with Kotoku and his allies retreating into the recently acquired Melanesia to find new land to occupy, particularly that recently granted from Germany. Meanwhile, the communist forces secured their dominance over not only the main part of Japan, but also the recently acquired territories of the Kuril Islands and southern Sakhalin. By October 1915, the main part of the Civil War was over, the country beginning to mend itself as a result. Sakai and Katayama set about organising the post-revolution structure, with the seizure of land from the now unpopular aristocrats and old nobles. The former royal family would be held as ‘guests’ in Okinawa, thus neither making them a threat to the new order, nor killing them and forming rebellion amongst the peoples, with many believing in the Emperor’s divinity, something the new government was not tolerant of generally. Sakai took the main power seat as the “People’s Shogun”, with the ‘Proletarians’ Republic of Japan’ [6] being declared as a nation on the 23rd of October. Katayama was made the general secretary, being the chief adviser as well as leader of the ‘Peoples’ Council’ that was established. This would be done to discuss rising issues and matters around the country, such as food shortages. They set about no short time trying to feed the starving, with campaigns to feed and employ the homeless being heavily funded and publicised, showing that this new government ‘cared’ about its citizens, leading to the formation of the Welfare Committee to ensure that living standards were up to date with the changing world around them. Still having sympathy with Kotoku and his group, trade unions which protested against the war and in favour of improving workers’ rights were given full protection by the government to carry out their will, helping local workers sort out their difficulties more easily and on a more democratic level. [7]

The old Imperial military measures were also disbanded, with the IJA replaced with the Revolutionary Army, committed to securing the country against Imperialist invaders, while the IJN would be replaced with the Red Sun Navy, which upon retaining some upgrades over the old systems, would soon become one of the most advanced armies in the world, with much of Japan’s resources put into maintaining and improving it. They would use this in their campaigns to pacify Formosa and Micronesia as testing for their abilities. Success in Micronesia was noted by many, with European and American navies being very hesitant to get involved despite the stakes. After all, the need to intervene in Japan wouldn’t nearly have the same strategic, tactical or monetary value that an intervention would have in somewhere like France, China or Russia. [8] Nevertheless, British, German, French and American banks would often fund the Formosans in their quest for independence, something that would delay their defeat for months. But sometimes, funding only delays the inevitable, and in August of 1916, the RSN launched a full scale invasion, crushing most of the rebels and counterrevolutionaries there, with the last official holding falling on the 23rd of September. From this point onwards, Japan would be under one official government, with all opposition crushed, silenced or exiled. The place of the country had gone from a failed rising power of the Pacific, into a new and potentially dangerous form of government that the western powers feared might impact their own lives as well.

[1] About 63% of the OTL reparation demanded by Germany, though the same as what Germany actually managed to pay.

[2] While the official organised uprisings and declaration of war on the government began on the 13th of December 1913, organised riots and mutinies were already starting in November, giving a de-facto name to the revolution.

[3] One of Yuan’s sons is said to have gone into exile in Japan for a short time, though he later escaped and found himself in Malaysia under British custody, where he would remain until his death from liver failure in 1957.

[4] The Nauru Spring that would occur later from this, especially in the era of decolonisation, can definitely trace its origins back to Kotoku and those inspired by him.

[5] I’m thinking that if anyone, the Philippines could be a decent equivalent to Poland or Romania later down the line, with its own set of issues such as a Muslim insurrection in Mindanao, who feel harassed by the pro-Catholic government.

[6] This one better? Or would the old “Workers’ Republic” be more fitting? I just wanted something different than the standard ‘Democratic’ or ‘Peoples’ republic for a title.

[7] With this in place, the system would involve more direct democracy than OTL’s USSR, and thus be less prone to totalitarianism on the greater scale, though this wouldn’t stop leaders from trying.

[8] I reasoned that Japan is a significantly smaller power and threat militarily and strategically than Russia, especially ITTL, so there would be less effort made internationally for some kind of intervention, as Japan’s power would almost certainly be more regional, as would the amount by which it could spread communism. Unlike the USSR, these Japanese did manage to inherit most if not all of the old Empire’s territories, but legitimately gain some of the small new territories in the north. If Russia had been that lucky IOTL, things may be very different.